VM 



mm'^i 



'-.^im. 



M^^vj^^ 






^LIBRARY OF CONGRESS,!' 



L . , — ■ -^^^^^ 

|| UNITED -STi'TKS OF AMERICA, y -. ^ 



'mm^ 



'. •^fi*A^^.v.if^ 



^^Wm.:^^^ 



'o^«X^P«X' 



^■nPm^ 



''^'m.fmoi 



:mm 







AN 



APPEAL TO CHRISTIANS, 



SUBJECT OP SLAVERY. 



BY JOHN HERSEY. 



SECOND EDITION. 



BALTIMORE: 

ARMSTRONG & PLASKITT, 

J. W.Woods, print, 

1833. 



CONTENTS. 



Page. 
Desultory Remarks, . ' . : .5 

Extracts from the speech of J. A. Chandler, mem- 
ber of the house of delegates of Virginia, . 11 
" from E. Rushton's letter, ... 18 
" . " T. J. Randolph's speech, . ib. 

" " Henry Berry's do. . . 22 

« " Thos. Marshall's do. . . 25 

" " James M'Dowell's do. . . 26 

" " Philip A. Boiling's do. . . 35 

" « Chas. J. Faulkner's do. . 37 

" " Jefferson's Notes on Virginia, . 43 

" " Thos. Jefferson's letter to E. Cole 

" and J. Sparks, . . . . 45 

Remarks and reflections, . . .50 

Moral objections to slavery, founded on the word 

of God, . . . . . 52 

Arguments in favour of slavery considered and 
answered: 

First — "Slavery has existed in all ages and coun- 
tries. Abraham the friend of God owned 
servants." . . . . 67 

Second — "Slavery existed among the Jews by the 

express permission of Almighty God." . 68 

Third — "By the curse of God pronounced by his 
servant Noah, these people were doomed to 
be servants." . . . 7^ 



IV 

Page. 

Fourth — "Our slaves are in a more eligible and 
enviable condition than the peasantry of Eu- 
rope." . . . . . 78 

Fifth — '"The New Testament is silent on the sub- 
ject. Masters and servants are mentioned, 
yet the practice is not forbidden," . 81 

Sixth — "The testimony of Christian 7nasterSi who 

have died triumphant deaths," . .82 

Remarks and reflections, . . .85 

The inquiry, what can be done with our slaves? 

answered, . . . .87 

Remarks on the colony at Liberia. . . 83 

. An estimate of the time and expense, required to 
remove all our coloured population to Afri-, 
ca, . . . . . 90 

An exhibition of our pecuniary account with those 

people for the last ten years, . .95 

A plan recommended by which a sufficient fund 
can be raised to remove them all to Africa 
in less than 33 years, . . . ib. 

Obiections to colonizing them in Africa consider- 
ed, ... . . _ . 99 

An appeal to those who are involved in the evils of 

slavery, . .... 104 

An appeal to those who reside in free states, who 

are exempt from this great incumbrance 112 

An appeal to Christians in the United States of 

every name, . . • .114 

The Christian missionary's dilemma, . • 116 

inconsistencies and absurdities connected with 

slavery as it exists in our country, . 118 

Remarks and reflections, . . . 121 

Reference to the word of God, . • ^b. 

Concluding reflections, « • • 1^3 



APPEAL 



The inhabitants of the earth are emerging 
from their obscurity — the folds of night are 
falling off, and mankind are starting from their 
midnight slumber. The political and intellec- 
tual; the moral and the religious worlds are 
in motion. 

The womb of time swells with events of in- 
finite magnitude. The signs of the times are 
truly ominous — they speak the impressive lan- 
guage of prophecy, unfolding and maturing 
scenes of the deepest interest. Jehovah's 
heralds are going forth; they loudly and un- 
equivocally proclaim the approach of the Lord. 
The God of the whole earth is drawing nigh. 

"Behold, he cometh with clouds; and every 
eye shall see him, and they also which pierced 
him: and all kindreds of the earth shall wail 
because of him. Even so. Amen.''* 

"But who may abide the day of his coming? 
and who shall stand when he appeareth? for 

*Rev. i. 7. 



6 

he is like a refiner's fire, and like fuller's soap- 
and he shall sit as a refiner and purifier of sil- 
ver; and he shall purify the sons of Levi, and 
purge them as gold and silver, that they may 
offer unto the Lord an offering in righteous- 
ness."* 

' The gospel of Jesus Christ — the glad ti- 
dings of salvation is sounding from every emi- 
nence; and through the lonely vale, the echo of 
''glory to God in the highest, and on earth 
peace; good will towards men," is heard to re- 
verberate. 

But alas for fallen, erring, inconsistent mor- 
tals; they are ever prone to depart from the 
path of righteousness. They are ever dis- 
posed to provoke the Holy One of Israel to 
anger, and thereby draw down destruction and 
misery on their own heads. 

Notwithstanding the great light which is 
now shining in the earth, and the unparalleled 
blessings and privileges which we enjoy as a 
Christian nation — in the midst of Columbia's 
higly favoured land, a dark cloud of ig^iorance, 
degredation, and misery, still lowers over the 
destiny of a large portion of our fellow mor- 
tals. The unfortunate offspring of injured Af- 
rica is still doomed to degradation and bond- 
age; not in the wilds where their fathers 

*Mal. ill. 2, 3. 



dwelt, and their brethren still breathe out a 
wretched existence in vice and ignorance; but 
under circumstances more mortifying and cruel: 
they are sentenced like Tantalus, amidst an 
ocean of civil and religious liberty to perpet- 
ual exclusion; they must not taste its limpid 
stream, though they are immersed in its bosom! 

It is not our intention to anathematise the slave- 
holder; nor to sport with the feelings of the 
master or the slave; we sincerely sympathise 
with each party: neither do we intend to in- 
flame the unhallowed passions of any rational 
human being in the discussion of this difficult 
and delicate subject. Our appeal will be made 
rationally, respectfully, and exclusively to those 
who profess to be children of the Most High 
God. It is our design, simply and honestly, to 
point out some of the difficulties and dangers to 
which slavery as it now exists in our countr}^, 
subjects Christians respecting their final salva- 
tion. And then, recommend, aflectionately, a 
salutary remedy for this evil, which may be 
effiected in an easy, noiseless, tranquil man- 
ner, without exciting jealousy, or unkind feel- 
ings in the breast of any human being. 

There can be very little diversity of opinion 
respecting the subject of slavery. More than 
nine-tentlis of all the respectable and reflecting 
part of society who make no profession of reli- 



gion, but who are not implicated in the traffic, 
immediately or remotely, consider it as a prac- 
tice derogatory to the character of any en- 
lightened nation. Men of refined feeUngs — of 
intelligence and honourable principles, regard it 
as a reproach to any people; and not a few of 
those who are deeply involved in the practice 
of slavery, view it as an evil of no ordinary 
magnitude; they believe that its existence 
among us, blots the brightest page of our coun- 
try's history with inconsistency, cruelty, and 
disgrace. 

The existence of slavery in this land of civil 
and religious liberty is felt, and deeply deplor- 
ed by almost every honourable, intelligent, and 
reflecting citizen. It is, generally, viewed as a 
moral and political hydra, alike destructive to 
the peace, harmony, and happiness of society, 
and the prosperity of our country. Patriots, 
philanthropists, and Christians, mingle their 
tears together and weep in silence over this 
black ulcer which deforms the fairest features 
of Christianity, and corrupts the pure stream 
of liberty which otherwise would flow unsoil- 
ed through Columbia's happy land. 

It is certainly true that slavery has been en- 
tailed upon us by our ancestors; hence, many 
are under an impression that we are not cul- 
pable, or in any way reprehensible or accounta- 



blefor the existence, or the continuance of the 
evil. They believe (and. no doubt very honest- 
ly) that no man can he, in justice, held respon- 
sible for the crimes or the errors of others. 
This sentiment is perfectly correct in most 
cases, and would apply in the present instance 
had we made every effort in our power to ex- 
tricate ourselves from the evils and difficulties 
imposed on us by our fathers; this has not been 
done; the crime has, therefore, been legally and 
righteously transferred to our father's children. 

Children frequently inherit poverty and ig- 
norance from their parents; and unless they 
make a successful effort to relieve themselves 
from those embarrassments, they will be com- 
pelled to remain in a state of ignorance and 
poverty through life. Again, E is banished 
from his native country for the perpetration of 
a desperate crime; in his exile he begets chil- 
dren; they are perfectly innocent; they have 
not participated in their parent's evil deeds; 
yet they are necessarily involved in the fatal 
consequences growing out of their father's acts 
of infamy; and unless they make a rational 
effort to relieve themselves, they will for ever 
remain aliens and exiles. 

The evil of slavery was not only commenc- 
ed by our ancestors in error and avarice, but 
it has been continued by their descendants to 
2* 



10 

the present day in the same spirit. As the 
light of reason and religion has dawned on our 
own minds, we have uniformly endeavoured to 
shroud their's in deeper obscurity. 

Instead of ameliorating their condition by 
legal authority, their chains of bondage and 
ignorance have been more securely rivetted on 
them, by laws of our own making. 

Hence, we have uniformly endeavoured to 
shroud the evil deeds of our ancestors in dark- 
ness. We have hitherto strove to cast a veil 
of obscurity over the whole scene, intending 
thereby, if possible, to bury this mass of po- 
litical and moral deformity in the tomb of pro- 
found silence. The time, however, has arrived 
when the grave of oblivion can no longer con- 
ceal the wretched — the deathlike condition of 
that unfortunate and outcast race of human 
beings. After an interment of nearly two hun- 
dred years thelethean spell has been dissolved. 
The important subject of slavery has been 
openly discussed during the past year in the 
legislature of Virginia; a large and respectable 
state, as deeply interested as any of her sister 
states in this dark tragedy. 

Without offering any apology to our readers 
for doing so, we shall present them with a few 
extracts taken from several speeches dehv- 
ered in the house of delegates of the state of 



11 

Virginia during the session of 1831-2. From 
the declarations made by those statesmen, we 
may learn definitely the sentiments held by a 
large and respectable number of distinguished 
political characters, respecting the subject of 
slavery, and from the number of petitions pre- 
sented to that enlightened political body dur- 
ing the pendency of the debate on the slave 
question, we are highly gratified to learn that 
those honourable sentiments are in accordance 
with those held by a large portion of the res- 
pectable and intelligent citizens of that state. 

Extract from the speech of John A. Chan- 
dler of Norfolk county, in the house of de- 
legates of Virginia, on the policy of the state 
with respect to her slave population, delivered 
January 17th, 1832. 

"It is admitted by all who have addressed 
this house; that slavery is a curse, and an in- 
creasing one. That it has been destructive to 
the lives of our citizens, history, with unerring 
truth, will record. That its future increase 
will create commotion, cannot be doubted. 

"The time, then, sir, has arrived, when the 
salus populi applies, and every consideration 
of patriotism requires us to act upon it. This 
principle, this fundamental principle, the safety 
of the people, embraces not only the present 
race, but posterity also. The gentleman from 



12 

Brunswick, with great force and eloquence, 
has insisted that the master has property not 
only in the female slave, but in the issue ad 
INFINITUM. And, sir, we have an interest not 
only in our own welfare, but in that of our 
posterity. We are bound to legislate for them 
as well as for ourselves. 

"This principle, that posterity are interested 
in the acts of their ancestors, is recognized in 
the Bill of Rights, in the very first section of 
it. That instrument is hallowed by its antiqui- 
ty — by the double confirmation of the people 
of this dominion. I may say, it is superior to 
the constitution itself, as that professes to be 
based upon the Bill of Rights. 

"What says that instrument? "That man has 
certain unalienable rights," of which, when he 
enters into society, he cannot by any compact 
deprive his posterity; namely, the enjoyment of 
life and liberty, with the means of acquiring 
and possessing property, and of pursuing and 
obtaining happiness and safety. Has slavery, 
interfered with our means of enjoying life, 

LIBERTY, PROPERTY, HAPPINESS AND SAFETY? 

Look at Southampton. The answer is written 
IN LETTERS OF BLOOD, upon the floors of that 
unhappy county. Under these circumstances, 
may we not inquire into the right of our an- 
cestors to inflict this curse upon us, seeing that 



13 

it has interfered so essentially with the first 
article of the Bill of Rights? 

"But, sir, will this evil — this curse, not in- 
crease? VV ill not the life, liberty, prosperity, 
happiness, and safety, of those who may come 
after us, be endangered in a still greater de- 
gree by it? How then can we reconcile it to 
ourselves, to fasten this upon them? Do we 
not endanger our very national existence by 
entailing slavery upon them? 

''Sir, the gentleman from Brunswick very 
emphatically asked, "are not our slaves our 
property?" and the gentleman from Dinwiddle, 
sustaining his position, said in that integrity and 
firmness which characterises all his actions, 
that he would own no property, respecting 
which he was afraid to shew his title papers. 
He even invited discussion upon this question 
of title to slaves as property. As a Virginian, 
I do not question the master's title to his slave; 
but I put it to the gentleman, as a man^ as a 
moral many as a Christian man, whether he has 
NOT SOME DOUBT, of his claim being as abso- 
lute and unqualified as that of other property? 
I do this not for the purpose of raising an argu- 
ment to sustain the power of the legislature to 
remove them, which I think I have satisfac- 
torily shewn; but mainly to call his attention 
to the title, that if a doubt as to that should be 



14 

created, it may operate, in some measure, in 
withdrawing opposition to the removal of the 
slaves. Let us, sir, in the investigation of this 
title, go back to its origin. Whence came 
slaves into this country? From Africa. Were 
they free men there? At one time they were. 
How come they to he converted into slaves? By 
the stratagem of war, and the strong arm of the 
conqueror: they were vanquished in battle, 
sold by the victorious party, to the slave tra- 
der, who brought them to our shores, and dis- 
posed of them to the planter of Virginia. Had 
the conqueror an absolute and unqualified right 
to them? 

"The gentleman from Campbell, (Mr. Da- 
niel,) in arguing this part of the subject, stat- 
ed, that ancient authors insisted upon two modes 
by which a free man might become a slave, to 
wit: by voluntary compact, and by conquest; 
but he was in the end compelled, by the course 
of his reasoning, to admit that those doctrines 
have been exploded by modern writers. If, 
then, LIBERTY, RiGrHTFULLY, cannot be con- 
verted into slavery, may I not question whether 
the title of the master to the slavefis absolute 
and unqualified, and beyond the disposition of 
the government? In general cases the derivative 
title cannot be better than the primitive. If 
the warrior had no absolute right to the person 



15 

of his captive, may there not be some doubt 
whether the Virginia planter has an unquali- 
fied one? 

"What, sir, would be thought at the present 
day, if an elephant were taken by force or fraud 
from its true owner, on the coast of Africa, and 
brought to our country, and an individual 
knowing of the circumstance were to purchase 
it? Would it not be said that he participated 
in the crime? Would not the old adage — 
"that the receiver of stolen goods is as bad as 
the thief," apply? And, sir, is the reasoning 
different, when the subject is a human 
BEING? When a man nas oeen taken by force 
or fraud from his native shore, and sold in your 
market? It may be said, that our ancestors 
did not know the circumstances under which 
the slave lost his liberty. I hope they did not. 
It will, in some measure, extenuate the crime, 

but cannot ENHANCE THE TITLE. The trUth 

is, that our ancestors had no title to this proper- 
ty, and we have acquired it only by legislative 
enactments, sanctioned by the necessity of the 
case. 

"It may be argued that length of time has cre- 
ated a title. Some thirty years ago a frigate 
which had been captured from the French by 
the valour and skill of our gallant tars, after 
having been brought into port was refitted, and 



16 

sailed on a cruise; she has never been heard of 
since. Imagine for a moment that it was now 
announced to this nation, that the ship had foun- 
dered on the coast of Africa, and her crew, or 
part of them, were alive, slaves to some pet- 
ty monarch in that country? Think you, sir, 
that we would listen to the plea of length of 
time? No; the voice of a mighty people, with 
resistless force, would proclaim that freemen 
can never be made slaves, and the hum of pre- 
paration to demand our long lost brethren, would 
soon resound throughout the land. And, sir, 
but for the degradation and absence of nation- 
ality in Africa, one of the most interesting 
principles of international law might be pre- 
sented to the American people, which has ever 
engaged the attention of the statesman. A 
principle that would be advocated by the good 
and wise throughout the union. Were Africa 
erected into a sovereign and independent state, 
and recognized as a nation by the potentates 
of the world, to make a demand upon our gov- 
ernment, for her long lost and enslaved chil- 
dren, accompanied with a recital of all the cir- 
cumstances of fraud by which they were taken 
from their native country, it would present a 
claim too strong to be discussed — a demand 
too just to be denied by the free born sons of 
Virginia. These reflections I have thrown 



17 

out, Mr. Speaker, in the hope, that, if masters 
of slaves should perceive some defect in their 
title, they may be inclined "to let them go." 

"I have, Mr. Speaker, entered into but few 
statistical details; the course of my argument, 
I trust, made it unnecessary. One estimate, 
however, I will mention — it is this: that if the 
slave population increase as it has done for 
some years past, in the year 1880, less than 
60 years hence, there will be in the seven 
states, of Virginia, North and South Carolina, 
Georgia, Louisiana, Alabama, and Mississippi, 
something more than 5,000,000 of slaves, of 
which Virginia, alone, will possess largely up- 
wards of 1 ,000,000 — an amount too great, too 
appalling for a statesman not to apprehend 
some danger from. I acknowledge, I tremble 
for the fate of my country at some future day, 
unless we "do something!" " 

The sentiments expressed in the preceding 
extracts from J. A. Chandler's speech, are ra- 
tional and conclusive. Agreeably to his views 
something must be done speedily in this mo- 
mentous business, or ruin will be inevitable. 
He has proved incontestably that no man in a 
Christian country can possess a legal right or 
title to his fellow man as his property. Then 
in the sight of heaven, are not all slaveholders 
unjust people? This argument and decision 
3 



18 

imperiously calls for the solemn consideration 
of every Christian slaveholder; as a moment's 
reflection will convince any unprejudiced mind 
that no unjust person can enter into the king- 
dom of heaven. 

There is something in the very idea of buy- 
ing and selling human beings, that is altogether 
repugnant to the feelings of every Christian. 

In a letter written by Edward Rushton, and 
addressed to George Washington, president of 
the United States, dated Liverpool, (Eng.) 
February 20th, 1797 — he indignantly ex- 
claims — '^shame! shame! that man should be 
deemed the property of man, or that the 
name of Washington should be found among 
the list of such proprietors," 

Our friends will pardon us for introducing 
the above sentiment from the pen of an En- 
glishman. It is not our intention to appeal to 
foreigners, or those who are happily ignorant 
of the difficulties connected with slavery, for 
their aid in the discussion of this important sub- 
ject. We cannot, however, refrain from advert- 
ing further to the opinion and views of dis- 
tinguished characters who have been born and 
educated in the midst of slavery — of those who 
are still encompassed about with this growing 
evil. 

Extracts from the speech of Thomas J. Ran- 
dolph, (of Albemarle,) in the house of delegates 



19 

of Virginia on the abolition of slavery, delivered 
Saturday, January 21st, 1832. 

"I will quote, in part, the statistics of the 
gentleman from Dinwiddie, whose accuracy 
cannot be questioned. Judging the future by 
the past, in 40 years the coloured population 
in Eastern Virginia will exceed the white 
200,000. In the last 40 years, the whites in the 
same district have increased 51 per cent: the 
blacks 186 per cent. Forty years ago, the 
whites exceeded the coloured 25,000: the co- 
loured now exceeds the whites 81,000: a net 
gain of the blacks over the whites in 40 years 
of 106,000: and these results too, during an 
exportation of near 260,000 slaves since the 
year 17 90, now, perhaps, the fruitful progenitors 
of half a million in other states. By reference 
to document No. 16, on your table, you will 
perceive that in the year 1830, of that part of 
the population of 10 years old and under, the 
blacks exceed the whites 26 per cent. — over 
that a^e, only 3 per cent. What a change 
will not 18 years make for the worse when 
those children shall be grown. W^hat a change 
will not 40 years, with its geometrical progres- 
sion, evolve, when they shall become fathers 
and mothers, and some of them grandmothers? 
If exportation ceases, some of those now with- 
in the hearing of my voice, may live to see the 



20 

coloured population of Virginia 2,000,000, or 
2,500,000: children now born may live to see 
them 3,000,000, determining their increase by 
their average increase in the United States in 
the last 40 years. 

"Sir, is not this the case of the salus populi 
demonstrated to exist in the certain future? 
Who will be so hardy as to assert, that when 
the time arrives, a remedy can be applied: who 
will say that 2,000,000, cair be attempted to 
be removed: they will say to you long before 
that "we will not go."" Here, sir, applies that 
wise maxim of the law ^^venienti occurrite mor- 
bo,''^ (meet the coming ill.) 

"The gentleman has spoken of the increase 
of the female slaves being a part of the profit: 
it is admitted; but no great evil can be averted, 
no good attained, without some inconvenience. 
It may be questioned, how far it is desirable to 
foster and encourage this branch of profit. It 
is a practice, and an increasing practice in parts 
of Virginia, to rear slaves for market. How 
can an honourable mind, a patriot, and a lover 
of his country, bear to see this ancient domin- 
ion, rendered illustrious by the noble devotion 
and patriotism of her sons in the cause of liber- 
ty, converted into one grand menagerie where 
men are to be reared for market like oxen for 
the shambles. Is it better, is it not worse 



SI 

than tlie slave trade, that trade which enlisted 
the labour of the good and the wise of every 
creed and every clime to abolish it? The trad- 
er receives the slave, a stranger in language, 
aspect, and manner, from the merchant who 
has brought him from tlie interior. The ties 
of father, mother, husband, and child have all 
been rent in twain; before he receives him, his 
soul has become callous. 

"But here, sir, individuals, whom the master 
has known from infancy, whom he has seen 
sporting in the innocent gambols of childhood, 
who have been accustomed to look to him for 
protection, he tears from the mother's arms, 
and sells into a strange country among strange 
people, subject to cruel task-masters. In my 
opinion, sir, it is much worse. 

"He has compared slave property to a capi- 
tal in money. I wish it were money, sir, or 
any thing else than what it is. It is not money, 
it is labour, it is the labour which produces 
that for which money is the representative. 
The interest on money is 4 to 6 per cent. 
The hire of male slaves is about 1 5 per cent, 
upon their value: in ten years or less, you have 
returned your principal with interest. Thus 
it is with much of the 100,000,000 of proper- 
ty, the loss of which the gentleman has so 
eloquently depicted in ruining the country. 
3* 



22 

He has attempted to justify slavery here, be- 
cause it exists in Africa, and has stated that it 
exists all over the world. Upon the same 
principle he could justify Mahometism, with 
its plurality of wives, petty wars for plunder, 
robbery and murder, or any other of the abom- 
inations and enormities of savage tribes. Does 
slavery exist in any part of civilized Europe? 
JVo, sir, in no 'part of it. America is the 

ONLY CIVILIZED CHRISTIAN NATION THAT 

BEARS THE OPPROBRIUM, lu cvcry Other coun- 
try where civilization and Christianity have 
existed together, they have erased it from their 
codes, they have blotted it from the page of 
their history." 

"The gentleman has appealed to the Chris- 
tian religion in justification of slavery. I 
would ask him upon what part of those pure 
doctrines does he rely; to which of those 
sublime precepts does he advert to sustain his 
position.'' Is it that which teaches charity, 
justice, and good will to all, or is it that which 
teaches, "that ye do unto others as ye 

WOULD they should DO UNTO YOU?" " 

Extracts from the speech of Henry Berry, 
(of Jefferson,) in the house of delegates of Vir- 
ginia, delivered Friday, Jan. 20th, 1832. 

"Sir, I believe that no cancer on the phy- 
sical body was ever more certain, steady, and 



23 

fatal in its progress, than is this cancer on the 
political body of the state of Virginia. It is 
eating into her very vitals. And shall we 
admit that the evil is past remedy? Shall we 
act the part of a puny patient, suffering under 
the ravages of a fatal disease, who would say 
the remedy is too painful, the dose too nauseous, 
I cannot bear it; who would close his eyes in 
despair, and give himself up to death? No sir, 
I would bear the knife and the cautery, for 
the sake of health." 

"I believe it is high time that this subject 
should be discussed and considered, by the 
people of Virginia. I believe that the people 
are awakened on the subject, but not alarmed; 
I believe they will consider it calmly, and de- 
cide upon it correctly. Sir, I have no fears 
now for any general results, from any efforts 
at insurrection, by this unfortunate class of our 
population. I know that we have the power to 
crush any such effort at a blow. I know that 
any such effort on their part, at this day, will 
end in the annihilation of all concerned in it. 
And I believe our greatest security now, is 
in their knowledge of these things, in their 
knowledge of their own weakness. 

"Pass as severe laws as you will, to keep 
these unfortunate creatures in ignorance, it 
is vain, unless you can extinguish that spark of 



24 

intellect which God has given them. Let any 
man who advocates slavery, examine the sys- 
tem of laws that we have adopted, (from stern 
necessity it may be said,) towards these crea- 
tures, and he may shed a tear upon that, and 
would to God, sir, the memory of it might be 
blotted out forever. Sir, we have, as far as 
possible, closed every avenue by which light 
might enter their minds; we have only to go 
one step further — to extinguish the capacity 
to see the light, and our work would be com- 
pleted; they would then be reduced to the level 
of the beasts of the field, and we should be 
safe; and I am not certain that we would not 
do it, if we could find out the necessary pro- 
cess — and that under the plea of necessity. 
But, sir, this is impossible; and can man be in 
the midst of freemen, and not know what free- 
dom is.^ Can he feel that he has the power 
to assert his liberty, and will he not do it? 
Yes, sir, with the certainty of the current of 
time, will he do it whenever he has the power. 
Sir, to prove that the time will come, I need 
offer no other argument than that of arithmetic, 
the conclusions from which are clear demon- 
strations on this subject. The data are before 
us all, and every man can work out the pro- 
cess for himself. Sir, a death struggle must 
come between the two classes, in which one 



25 

or the other will be extinguished forever. 
Who can contemplate such a catastrophe as 
even possible, and be indifterenl?" 

Extracts from the speech of Thomas Mar- 
shall, (of Fauquier,) in the house of delegates, 
delivered January 14th, 1832. 

"Wherefore, then, object to slavery? Be- 
cause it is ruinous to the whites — retards im- 
provement — roots out an industrious popula- 
tion — banishes the yeomanry of the country — 
deprives the spinner, the weaver, the smith, 
the shoemaker, the carpenter of employment 
and support. The evil admits of no remedy. 
It is increasing, and will continue to increase, 
until the whole country will be inundated with 
one black wave, covering its whole extent, 
with a few white faces here and there floating 
on the surface. The master has no capital but 
what is vested in human flesh; the father, in- 
stead of being richer for his sons, is at a loss to 
provide for them. There is no diversity of 
occupations, no incentive to enterprize. La- 
bour of every species is disreputable, because 
performed mostly by slaves. Our towns are 
stationary, our villages almost every where 
declining; and the general aspect of the coun- 
try, marks the curse of a wasteful, idle, reck- 
less population, who have no interest in the 
soil, and care not how much it is impoverished. 



26 

Public improvements are neglected; and the 
entire continent does not present a region for 
which nature has done so much, and art so 
little." 

Extracts from the speech of Jas. M'Dowell, 
Jr. of Rockbridge— January 20th, 1832. 

"Who, sir, that looks at this property as a 
legislator, and marks its effect on our national 
advance but weeps over it as the worst of 
patrimonies? Who that looks to this unhappy 
bondage of our unhappy people in the midst 
of our society, and thinks of its incidents and 
its issues, but weeps over it as a curse upon him 
who inflicts, as upon him who suffers it.^ 

"If I am to judge from the tone of our de- 
bate, from the concessions on all hands ex- 
pressed, there is not a man in this body, not 
one, perhaps, that is even represented here, 
who would not have thanked the generations 
that have gone before us, if, acting as public 
men, they had brought this bondage to a close — 
who would not have thanked them, if, acting 
as private men on private notions, they had re- 
linquished the property which their mistaken 
kindness has devolved upon us.^ Proud as are 
the names for intellect and patriotism which 
enrich the volumes of our history, and reveren- 
tially as we turn to them at this period of 
waning reputation, that name — that man — 



27 

above all parallel would have been the chief, 
who could have blotted out this curse from 
his country— those, above all others, would 
have received the homage of an eternal grati- 
tude, who, casting away every suggestion of 
petty interest, had broken the yoke which, in 
evil hour, had been imposed and had translat- 
ed, as a free man^ to another continent, the 
outcast and the wretched being who burdens 
ours with his presence, and defiles it with his 
crimes. 

"But, sir, it has been otherwise appointed. 
Slavery has come down to us from our fathers, 
and the question now is, shall we, in turn, 
hand it over to our children? Hand it over 
to them aggravated in every attribute of evil? 
Shall we peroetuate the calamity we deplore, 
and become to posterity, the objects, not of 
kindness, but of cursing? 

"Sir, you may place the slave where you 
please — you may dry up, to your utmost, the 
fountains of his feelings, the springs of his 
thought — you may close upon his mind every 
avenue to knowledge and cloud it over with 
artificial night — you may yoke him to your 
labour as the ox which liveth only to work, 
and worketh only to live— you may put him 
under any process which, without destroying 
his value as a slave, will debase and crush 



28 

him as a rational being — you may do this and 
the idea that he was born to be free will sur- 
vive it all. It is allied to his hope of immor- 
tality — it is the ethereal part of his nature 
which oppression cannot reach; it is a torch 
lit up in his soul by the hand of the Deity and 
never meant to be extinguished by the hand of 
man." 

This member spoke with prophetic voice 
respecting the dismemberment of our union. 
And if history has not yet recorded this dark 
deed, recent occurrences renders the destruc- 
tive event quite probable, if not certain; he 
says — "If gentlemen do not see nor feel the 
evil of slavery whilst this federal union lasts, 
they will see and feel it when it is gone; they 
will see and suffer it then in a magnitude of 
desolating power to which the "pestilence 
that walketh at noon-day" would be a bless- 
ing — to which the malaria that is now threat- 
ening extinction to the "eternal city," as the 
proud one of the Pontiff's and the Caesar's is 
called, would be as refreshing and as balmy 
as the first breath of spring to the chamber of 
disease." 

"It has been frankly and unequivocally de- 
clared from the very commencement of this 
debate by the most decided enemies of aboli- 
tion themselves as Well as others — that this 



29 

property is an "emZ" — that it is a dangerous 
property. Yes, sir, so dangerous has it been 
represented to be even by those who desire 
to retain it, that we have been reproached for 
speaking of it otherwise than in fireside whis- 
pers — reproached for entertaining debate upon 
it in this hall; and the discussion of it with 
open doors, and to the general ear, has been 
charged upon us as a climax of rashness and 
folly which threatens issues of calamity to our 
country. It is then a dangerous property. No 
one disguises the danger of this property — 
that it is inevitable or that it is increasing. 
How then is the government to avert it? By 
a precautionary and preventive legislation, or 
by permitting it to "grow with our growth" 
until it becomes intolerable and then correct- 
ing it by the sword? In the one way or the 
other, by the peaceful process of legislation, or 
the bloody one of the bayonet, our personal 
and public security must be maintained against 
the dangers of this property." 

After meeting in an impressive and dignified 
manner the facetious remarks of another mem- 
ber of the house, who considered the insurrec- 
tion as a ^^petty affair,''^ and wished by his wit 
to turn the whole scene into ridicule; J. 
McDowell read a number of extracts from letters 
written by, and to, the most distinguished 
4 



30 

characters in the state, respecting the dismay 
and terror which almost universally pervaded 
the minds of the citizens in every part of the 
state — He then proceeded: "Now, sir, I ask 
you, I ask gentlemen in conscience to say, was 
this a "petty affair?" I ask you whether that 
was a petty affair w^hich starded the feelings 
of your whole population — which threw a por- 
tion of it into alarm — a portion of it into 
panic; which wrung out from an affrighted 
people the thrilling cry, day after day conveyed 
to your executive, "we are in peril of our 
lives, send us arms for defence." Was that a 
"petty affair" which drove families from their 
homes, which assembled women and children 
in crowds and without shelter at places of 
common refuge, in every condition of weak- 
ness and infirmity, under every suffering which 
want, and pain, and terror could inflict, yet 
willing to endure all — willing to meet death 
from famine, death from climate, death from 
hardships, preferring any thing rather to the 
horrors of meeting it from a domestic assassin? 
Was that a "petty afiair" which erected a 
peaceful and confiding portion of the state into 
a military camp, which outlawed from pity 
the unfortunate beings whose brothers had of- 
fended, which barred every door, penetrated 
every bosom with fear or suspicion, which so 



31 

banished every sense of security from every 
man's dwelling, that let but a hoof or a horn 
break upon the silence of the night, and an 
aching throb would be driven to the heart; 
the husband would look to his weapon and 
the mother would shudder and weep upon her 
cradle! 

"Was it the fear of Nat Turner and his de- 
luded drunken handful of fellows which pro- 
duced or could produce such effects? Was it 
this that induced distant counties where the 
very name of Southampton was strange, to 
arm and equip for a struggle? No, sir, it was 
the suspicion eternally attached to the slave 
himself, the suspicion that a Nat Turner might 
be in every family, that the same bloody deed 
could be acted over at any time and in any 
place, that the materials for it were spread 
through the land and always ready for a like 
explosion. Nothing but the force of this with- 
ering apprehension, nothing but the paralyzing 
and deadening weight with which it falls upon 
and prostrates the heart of every man who 
has helpless dependants to protect, nothing but 
this could have thrown a brave people into 
consternation, or could have made any portion 
of this powerful commonwealth, for a single 
instant, to have quailed and trembled. 

"This commonwealth in the late war stood 



32 

the shock of England's power and the skill of 
England's veterans with scarce a moment of 
public disquiet. Admiral Cockburn with his 
incendiary spirit and backed by his incendiary 
myrmidons alarmed not the state; struck no 
fear into its private families; and had his spirit 
been tenfold more savage than it was, and his 
army an hundredfold stronger, and had he 
plied every energy and pledged every faculty 
of his soul to the destruction of the state, he 
could not have produced one moment of that 
terror for private security which seizes upon 
all at the cry of insurrection. He would have 
been our enemy in the field, would have 
warred an open combat with the disciplined 
and the gallant of the land. But an insurgent 
enemy wars at the fireside — makes his battle 
ground in the chamber, and seeks, at the hour 
of repose, for the life of the slumbering and 
the helpless. No wonder, sir, that the gentle- 
man from Brunswick, (M. Gholson,) with his 
sensibilities aroused by the acts and the full 
energies of such an enemy as this should have 
said that "they filled the mind with the most 
appalling apprehensions." " 

Respecting the profound silence which has 
generally obtained on this subject — a course 
which many — yes, very many, professing 
Christians still believe to be the only true po- 



33 

licy — to be indispensably necessary^ our autbor 
remarks — "Why from the earliest period of 
our history until the massacre of Southampton, 
was a silence, deep and awful as that of death, 
observed upon this subject? Why was it for- 
bidden in legislative debate, or to the public 
press, and spoken only in mysterious whispers 
around the domestic hearth? Because a sense 
of security required, or was thought to require, 
this course. Why, sir, is this mystery now 
dispelled? Why has the grave opened its 
"ponderous and marble jaws?" Why is the 
subject openly and freely discussed in every 
place, and under every form? — because a gen- 
eral sense of insecurity pervades the land, and 
our citizens are deeply impressed with the be- 
lief that something must be done. The nu- 
merous petitions and memorials which crowd 
your table, furnish abundant evidence of this 
truth. They may mistake the remedy, but 
they indicate most clearly that some action is 
imperiously required at our hands — that the 
evil has attained a magnitude which demands 
all the skill and energy of prompt and able 
legislation. It is contended on the other hand 
that nothing efficient can be accomplished, and 
that any proceedings by this legislature will 
reduce the value of property, and endanger 
the security of the people. With respect to 
4* 



34 

the first consideration, he would say — that the 
price of property can never be injuriously ef- 
fected, by a system which would operate on 
that portion only of the slaves, who belong to 
masters desirous to liberate them, or to sell 
them for their own benefit, at a reduced price. 
The effect, if any, upon the residue, must be 
to enhance their value. As to the other, and 
more serious objection, he would remark, that 
it constitutes, and must forever constitute, an 
obstacle to abolition; requiring all the wisdom 
and discretion of legislature and people; — but 
the removal of free blacks, or the purchase 
and deportation of slaves, can involve no dan- 
ger. If, indeed, the whole fabric shall totter 
to its fall when touched by the gentlest hand, 
it must rest on a precarious foundation. If 
danger lurks under just, benignant legislation; 
aiming to relieve both master and slave — to 
combine justice with humanity — will the period 
ever come when it will be safe to act? 

"But, admitting the subject cannot be ap- 
proached without danger now, the great ques- 
tion for us to determine is, whether, by delay, 
it may not become fearfully worse, and in pro- 
cess of time attain a magnitude far transcend- 
ing our feeble powers. We owe it to our 
children to determine whether we or they shall 
incur the hazard of attempting something. 



35 

Gentlemen say, let things alone; the evil will 
correct itself. Sir, we may let things alone, 
but they will not let us alone. We cannot 
correct the march of time, nor stop the cur- 
rent of events. We cannot change the course 
of nature, nor prevent the silent, but sure, 
operation of causes now at work." 

If this momentous subject presents difficulties 
and dangers which will increase every day, 
and must ultimately involve our country in 
ruin, and we who compose the Church of 
Christ, have it in our power, (which we cer- 
tainly have,) to relieve all concerned; and we 
fold up our arms, and close our lips in silence, 
and say, ^^dont speak, there is a lion in the 
uay,'''' what will be the consequence.'* If we, 
as watchmen placed on the walls of Zion, see 
the sword coming, and warn not the people, 
and they are cut off in their sins and in their 
blood; how shall we meet the righteous Judge 
of all the earth in the final day of retribution? 
Has he not declared already that their blood 
will be required at our hands? 

We must, however, beg leave to furnish a 
^ew more extracts from the speeches, and, 
letters of slave-holding politicians and states- 
men, and then proceed with our original de- 
sign. 

Extracts from the speech of Philip A. Boll- 



36 

ing, (of Buckingham,) in the house of dele- 
gates of Virginia, delivered on the 11th and 
25th January, 1832. 

"The time will come, and it may be sooner 
than many are willing to believe, when this 
oppressed and degraded race cannot be held as 
they now are: when a change will be effected 
by means abhorrent, Mr. Speaker, to you, and 
to the feelings of every good man. 

"The wounded adder will recoil, and sting 
the foot that tramples upon it. The day is fast 
approaching, when those who oppose all ac- 
tion upon this subject, and, instead of aiding 
in devising some feasible plan for freeing their 
country from an acknowledged curse, cry 
^Hmpossible^^'^ to every plan suggested, will 
curse their perverseness, and lament their folly. 

"Those gentlemen who hug slavery to their 
bosoms, and "roll it as a sweet morsel under 
their tongue," have been very lavish in their 
denunciations of all who are for stirring one 
inch on this subject. 

"There is, sir, a "still small voice," which 
speaks to the heart of man in a tone too clear 
and distinct to be disregarded. It tells him 
that every system of slavery is based upon in- 
justice and oppression. If gentlemen disre- 
gard it now, and lull their consciences to sleep, 
they may be aroused to a sense of their danger, 
when it is too late to repair their errors. 



37 

"However the emplo^^ment of slave labour 
might be defended, gentlemen would not, could 
not, justify the traffic in human beings. High- 
minded men should disdain to hold their fel- 
low creatures as articles of traffic — disre- 
garding all the ties of blood and affection — 
tearing asunder air those sympathies dear to 
men — dividing husbands and wives, parents 
and children, as they would cut asunder a piece 
of cotton cloth. They have hearts and feel- 
ings like other men. How many a broken 
heart — how many a Rachel mourns because 
her house is left unto her desolate. The time 
has come when these feelings could not be 
suppressed — the day would come when they 
could not be resisted. Slavery was, and had 
long been offensive to the moral feelings of a 
large proportion of the community. Their 
lips had been sealed; but their minds had been 
unfettered — many had thought and thought 
deeply on the subject. This, sir, is a Chris- 
tian community. They read in their bibles, 
"do unto all men as you icould have them do 
unto you'''' — and this golden rule and slavery 
are hard to reconcile. Gentlemen may, per- 
haps, curl the lip of scorn at such considera- 
tions: but such a feelina: existed in Virsfinia." 

Extracts taken from the speech of Charles 
J. Faulkner, (of Berkley,) in the house of 



38 

delegates of Virginia, delivered January 20th? 
1832. 

"Mystery in state alTairs, I have always con- 
sidered impolitic and unwise. It is unsuited to 
the genius of this government, which is based 
upon the rights of the people, to a free and 
full examination of whatever concerns their 
interest and happiness. Sir, they pay you for 
your council — they have a right to it. If 
there be danger let us know it, and prepare for 
the worst. If slavery can be eradicated * * 
***** let us get rid of it. If it cannot, 
let that melancholy fact be distinctly ascertain- 
ed; and let those who are, we have been told, 
now awaiting with painful solichude the result 
of your determination, pack up their household 
goods, and find among the forests and prairies 
of the west, that security and repose w^hich 
their native land does not afford. 

"Wherever the voice of your people has 
been heard since the agitation of this question, 
it has sustained your determination, and called 
for the present inquiry. I have heard of 
courts, meetings, county petitions, and county 
memorials. I have heard from the north, the 
east, and the south. They are all, with one 
voice, against the continuance of slavery. 
None for it. The press, too — that mirror of 
public sentiment— that concentrated will of a 



39 

whole community, has been heard from one 
extremity of the state to the other. Its power 
is with us — its moral force is united— efficient 
and encouraging. 

"Again, sir, 1 ask, what new fact has oc- 
curred — what new light has dawned upon the 
gentleman from Mechlinburg, tliat we should 
be called upon to retrace our course, and to 
disappoint the hopes which our first manly de- 
cision gave? Does not the same evil exist? Is 
it not increasing? Does not every day give it 
permanency and force? Is it not rising like a 
heavy and portentous cloud above the horizon; 
extending its deep and sable volumes athwart 
the sky, and gathering in its impenetrable 
folds, the active materials of elemental war? 
And yet, shall we be requested to close our 
eyes to the danger, and without an effort, with- 
out even an inquiry, to yield to the impulses 
of a dark and withering despair? Sir, is this 
manly legislation? Is it correct? Is it honest 
legislation? Is it acting with that fidelity to 
our constituents, w^hich their sacred interest 
requires? 

"Sir, if this evil, great as it is, was even sta- 
tionary — if the worthy gentleman from Mech- 
linburg and Brunswick, (M. Gholson,) could 
give us any assurance that it would not in- 
crease until it reaches a point which is too 



40 

horrible to contemplate, I might be induced to 
acquiesce in the course which their pathetic 
appeals suggest. But when they know it is 
otherwise — when they know that each succes- 
sive blow is detracting from the small space of 
ground left between us and the angry ocean 
chafing at our feet, how can they advise us — 
how can they advise their own constituents to 
remain still, when the next advancing wave 
may overwhelm them and us, in hopeless ruin 
and destruction?" m 

"But, sir, vain and idle is every effort to 
strangle this inquiry! As well might you at- 
tempt to chain the ocean, or to stay the aveng- 
ing thunderbolts of heaven, as to drive the 
the people from any inquiry, which may result 
in their better condition. This is too deep — 
too engrossing a subject of consideration. It 
addresses itself too strongly to our interests — 
to our passions, and to our feelings. There is 
not a county — not a town — not a newspaper — 
not a fireside in the state, where the subject is 
not fully and fearlessly canvassed; and shall 
we, the constitutional inquest of the common- 
wealth, sworn to make a true inquiry into all 
the grievances of the people, and to the best of 
our ability apply the remedy — shall we alone, 
be found to shrink from this inquiry?" 

If slavery is such an evil, full of danger and 



41 

of deadly poison; if the politician and statesman 
can no longer remain silent spectators of this 
dark rolling current of iniquity through the 
midst of our land, diffusing a pestilential vapour 
through every recess of our country, which 
vitiates the taste, perverts the understanding, 
corrodes the morals, and sours the temper and 
disposition of all classes and conditions in soci- 
ety, and must end in death, degrading and eter- 
nal; if those guardians of our political liberty, 
can no longer suffer this venomous serpent to 
repose undisturbed in our bosom, secretly and 
silently infusing its deadly poison through the 
whole system; if a sense of honour and patriot- 
ism, constrains them to cry aloud and spare 
not — to raise their voice, and to put forth all 
their energy to drive the hydra from our land; 
how can we as children of the living God re- 
main silent unconcerned spectators of the des- 
tructive scene, and even become participators 
in the evil, and hope to hear the righteous 
Judge say — "Well done good and faithful ser- 
vant," particularly when he has commanded Zi- 
on's watchman to lift tip their voice like a tnim- 
pet — to cry aloud and spare not — to shew my 
people their sins? 

The member from whose speech we give the 
last extract, after contrasting the prosperity 
and comfort of the free states over those involv- 



42 

ed in slavery, pertinently asks, "To what, sir, 
is all this ascribable?" — and emphatically replies 
— "To that vice in the organization of socie- 
ty, by which one-half of its inhabitants are en- 
gaged in interest and feeling against the other 
half — to that unfortunate state of society in 
which free men regard labour as disgrace- 
ful — and slaves shrink from it as a burden ty- 
rannically imposed upon them — " To that con- 
dition of things in which half a million of your 
populatioji cayi feel no sympathy with the so- 
ciety in the prosperity of which they are forbid- 
den to participate^ and no attachment to a gov- 
ernment at whose hands they receive nothing hut 

INJUSTICE." 

As some have, and others may, charge the 
members of the legislature from whose speech- 
es these extracts have been made with impru- 
dence, precipitancy, religious mania, &c. &c. 
we will now present our respected readers 
with the opinion and sentiments of an indivi- 
dual who stands second only to one as a 
patriot, a politician and a statesman. Nor will 
any individual, friend or foe, charge him with 
the crime of religious fariaticism. He was 
himself the proprietor of a large number of 
slaves. He was the author of the Declaration 
of Independence. He occupied the presidential 
chair for eight years with as much honour as 
any other man who preceded him, or that has 



43 

succeeded him, Washington excepted. His 
views and sentiments must be interesting to, 
and respected by all, who are implicated in the 
evil of slavery. 

Extract from Jefferson's Notes— Query, xviii. 

" There must doubtless be an unhappy in- 
fluence on the manners of our people produced 
by the existence of slavery among us. The 
whole commerce between master and slave is 
a perpetual exercise of the most boisterous 
passions, the most unremitting despotism on 
the one part, and degrading submissions on the 
other. Our children see this and learn to imi- 
tate it; for man is an imitative animal. This 
quality is the germ of all education in him. 
From his cradle to his grave he is learning 
to do what he sees others do. If a parent 
could find no motive either in his philanthropy 
or his self-love, for restraining the intemper- 
ance of passion towards his slave, it should 
always be a sufficient one that his child is pre- 
sent. But generally it is not sufficient. The 
parent storms, the child looks on, catches the 
lineaments of wrath, puts on the same airs in 
the circle of smaller slaves, gives a loose to 
the worst of passions, and thus nursed, educa- 
ted, and daily exercised in tyranny, cannot but 
be stamped by it with odious peculiarities. 

^'The man must be a prodigy who can retain 



44 

his manners and morals undepraved by such 
circumstances. And with what execration 
should the statesman be loaded, who permit- 
ting one half the citizens thus to trample on 
the rights of the otiier, transforms those into 
despots, and them into enemies, destroys the 
morals of the one part, and the amor patriae of 
the other. For if a slave can have a coun- 
try in this world, it must be any other in pre- 
ference to that in which he is born to live and 
labour for another; in which he must lock up 
the faculties of liis nature, contribute as far as 
depends on his individual endeavours to the 
evanishment of the human race, or entail his 
own miserable condition on the endless gener- 
ations proceeding from him. With the morals 
of the people, their industry also is destroyed. 
For in a warm climate, no man will labour for 
himself who can make another labour for him. 
This is so true, that of the proprietors of 
slaves a very small proportion indeed are ever 
seen to labour. And can the liberties of a 
nation be thought secure when we have re- 
moved tlieir only firm basis, a conviction in 
the minds of the people that their liberties are 
of the gift of God? That they are not to be 
violated but with his wrath? Indeed I tremble 
for my country when 1 reflect tliat God is just: 
that his justice cannot sleep forever: that 
considering numbers, nature, and natural means 



only, a revolution of the wheel of fortune, an 
exchange of situation is among possible events: 
that it may become probable by supernatural 
interference! The Almighty has no attribute 
which can take side with us in such a contest." 

Extracts taken from letters written by Tho- 
mas Jefferson, addressed to Edward Coles, 
and Jared Sparks, dated Monticello, August 
25th, 1814, and February 4th, 1824. 

"I had always hoped that the younger ge- 
neration receiving their early impressions after 
the flame of liberty had been kindled in every 
breast, and had become as it were the vital 
spark of every American, that the generous 
temperament of youth, analagous to the mo- 
tion of their blood, and above the suggestions 
of avarice, would have sympathized with op- 
pression wherever found, and proved their love 
of liberty beyond their own share of it. 

"But my intercourse with them, since my 
return has not been sufficient to ascertain that 
they had made towards this point the progress 
I had hoped. Your solitary but welcome 
voice is the first wliich has brought this sound 
to my ear; and I have considered the general 
silence which prevails on this subject as indi- 
cating an apathy unfavourable to every hope. 
Yet the hour of emancipation is advancing, in 
the march of time. It ivill come; and whether 
5* 



46 

brought on by the generous energies of our 
own minds, or by the bloody process of St. 
Domingo, excited and conducted by the power 
of our present enemy, if once stationed per- 
manently within our country, and offering asy- 
lum and arms to the oppressed^ is a leaf of our 
history not yet turned over. 

"As to the method by which this difficult 
work is to be effected, if permitted to be done 
by ourselves, I have seen no proposition so ex- 
pedient on the whole, as that of emancipation 
of those born after a given day, and of their 
education and expatriation at a proper age. 

"I am sensible of the partialities with which 
you have looked towards me as the person 
who should undertake this salutary but ardu- 
ous work: but this, my dear sir, is like bidding 
old Priam to buckle the armour of Hector 
'Hrementihus aevo humeris et inutile ferrum cin- 
giturP'' — No, I have overlived the generation 
with which mutual labours and perils beget 
mutual confidence and influence. This enter- 
prize is for the young; for those who can 
follow it up, and bear it through to its con- 
summation. 

"It shall have all my prayers, and these are 
the only weapons of an old man. But in the 
mean time are you right in abandoning this 
property, and your country with it? I think 
not. 



47 

"My opinion has ever been that, until more 
can be done for them, we should endeavour, 
with those whom fortune has thrown on our 
hands, to feed and clothe them well, protect 
them from ill usage, require such reasonable 
labour only as is performed by free men, and 
be led by no repugnances to abdicate them, 
and our duties to them. The laws do not per- 
mit us to turn them loose, if that were for their 
good; and to commute them for other property 
is to commit them to those whose usage to 
them we cannot control. I hope then, my dear 
sir, you will reconcile yourself to your coun- 
try and its unfortunate condition; and that you 
will not lessen its stock of sound disposition 
by withdrawing your proportion from the 
mass. That on the contrary you will come 
forward in the public coimcils, become the mis- 
sionary of the doctrine truly Christian; insinu- 
ate and inculcate it softly but steadily; through 
the medium of writing and conversation; as- 
sociate others in your labours, and when the 
phalanx is formed, bring on and press the pro- 
position perseveringly until its accomplish- 
ment. It is an encouraging observation that 
no good measure was ever proposed, which if 
duly pursued, failed to prevail in the end. We 
have proof of this in the history of the endea- 
vours of the British parliament to suppress that 



48 

very trade which brought this evil on us. And 
you will be supported by the religious precept, 
"be not weary in well doing." That your 
success may be speedy and complete, as it 
will be of honourable and immortal consola- 
tion, I shall fervently and sincerely pray, as I 
assure you of my great friendship and respect, 
Th: Jefferson." 
"■'Edward Colesj Esq:"" 

In his letter to Jared Sparks, after stating 
the immense amount of money that would be 
required to purchase and deport the slaves, 
and the impossibility of procuring such an 
amount, he observes: "I am aware that at the 
end of about sixteen years, a gradual detrac- 
tion from this sum will commence, from the 
gradual diminution of breeders, and so on 
during the remaining nine years. Calculate 
this deduction, and it is still impossible to look 
at the enterprise a second time. I do not say 
this to induce an inference that the getting rid 
of them is forever impossible, for that is neither 
my opinion nor my hope. But only it cannot 
be done in this way. There is, I think, a way 
in which it can be done; that is, by emanci- 
pating the after-born, leaving them on due 
compensation, with their mothers, until their 
services are worth their maintenance, and then 



49 

putting them to industrious occupations, until 
a proper age for deportation." 

It will be perceived that this distinguished 
statesman, considered the want of money, as 
the only obstacle in the way of removing our 
slave population to another country. If Chris- 
tians are what they should be, and what they 
MUST be if they are received into heaven, they 
can remove that barrier with the greatest fa- 
cility. 

In the same letter, after making various 
calculations respecting the plan and the ex- 
pense of carrying the object into complete 
effect, he observes: 

"I do not go into all the details of the bur- 
dens and benefits of this operation. And who 
could estimate its blessed effects? I leave this 
to those who will live to see their accomplish- 
ment, and to enjoy a beatitude forbidden to 
my age. But I leave it with this admonition, 
to rise and be doing. A million and a half are 
within their control; but six millions, (which a 
majority of those now living will see them at- 
tain,) and one million of them fighting men, 
will say, "we will not go." 

"I am aware that this subject involves some 
constitutional scruples. But a liberal construc- 
tion, justified by the object, may go far, and 
an amendment of the constitution, the whole 
length necessary. 



50 

"The separation of infants from their mo- 
thers, too, would produce some scruples of 
humanity. But this would be straining at a 
gnat and swallowing a camel. 

"I salute you with assurance of high respect 
and esteem, 

Th: Jefferson." 

If men of distinction, men of wisdom and 
discernment in all things pertaining to this life, 
and many of them strangers to the power of 
religion on the heart, consider slavery a great 
evil — a political and moral blot — unjust and 
CRUEL in its very nature, and destructive to 
peace, harmony, and prosperity in its tendency; 
should not children of the Most High God 
make every effort in their power to remove 
this dangerous destructive evil from our bor- 
ders, and thereby heal the wound which has 
already been inflicted upon a large portion of 
our own family by the sting of this poisonous 
serpent? 

"Come now and let us reason together, saith 
the Lord: though your sins be as scarlet, they 
shall be white as snow; though they be red 
like crimson, they shall be as wool. If ye be 
willing and obedient, ye shall eat the good of 
the land: but if ye refuse and rebel, ye shall 



51 

be devoured with the sword: for the mouth of 
the Lord hath spoken it."* 

It has been frequently asked — "can a slave- 
holder be received into that rest which has 
been provided for the people of God?" This 
is an interesting inquiry — one of infinite im- 
portance. 

Some have peremptorily decided this ques- 
tion in the negative; others positively affirm 
that they can, and that thousands of them have, 
and will be received into Abraham's bosom; 
while others again consider their case doubtful. 

Without offering an opinion respecting this 
momentous and delicate inquiry, we shall pro- 
ceed to state in a plain simple manner some of 
the difficulties which must necessarily lay in 
the way of every slaveholder, leaving each in- 
dividual free to decide for himself; and then 
respectfully submit a plan, which if faithfully 
adhered to, will deliver us and our country 
from this growing destructive evil, without 
noise, or danger, or commotion. 

Christians, like their divine Master, should 
promote peace and love among men under all 
circumstances. They should not lift up their 
voice nor suffer it to be heard in the streets. 
As Christ Jesus is essentially the light of the 
world, so are his followers, who, like the silver 

* Is. i. 13, 19, 20. 



52 

queen of night, receiving the burning rays 
from the Son of Righteousness, should reflect 
them upon a benighted disordered world with 
a mild, but untarnished lustre. Light is the 
only medium through which we can enjoy any 
blessing on earth. Light can be seen^ but can- 
not be heard. At its approach, fear, and dan- 
ger, and darkness flee away. It is only neces- 
sary that Christians should trim their lamps, 
and let their light shine, to fill the whole world 
with peace and virtue — with tranquillity and 
happiness. 

By the divine standard, rationally applied, 
we must all stand or fall. To the law and the 
testimony. 

First. The grand requisition of the Gos- 
pel, upon which hang all the law and the pro- 
phets, is, " Thou shalt love the Lord thy God 
with all thy heart, and loith all thy soul, and 
with all thy mitid; and thou shalt love thy 

NEIGHBOUR AS THYSELF."* 

No Christian — no individual of common un- 
derstanding will presume to say, that any one, 
blessed with the light of the Gospel, can be 
received into heaven who does not meet this 
command — this divine requisition. To admit 
such a principle, would be to open heaven for 
the reception of all the desperate characters 

*Mat. xxii. 37, 38, 39. 



53 

\Yho have ever lived on earth. If one who 
was only one /lair's breadth below ih.\s standard 
were to be admitted, another only one sliade 
lower must also be received, or the first delin- 
quent, and not the Gospel, will be made the 
standard for God's holy word! Establish this 
principle, and you may dispense with the judg- 
ment day, as well as the law and the Gospel. 

Let us, therefore, be careful in the examina- 
tion of our own hearts, testing them by the di- 
vine standard. If I slight, or i7ijurej or iyisult 
your child, I touch one of the most tender 
cords which vibrates through your heart; 
neither can you in that case respect, esteem, 
and tenderly love me. ,It is then only neces- 
sary to prove that our slaves are the children 
of the Most High God, to show the great dif- 
ficulty, if not the impracticability of loving their 
Father supremely, while we hold his children in 
perpetual bondage. That Almighty God is the 
author of their existence, consequently their 
Father, we presume none will for one mo- 
ment deny. ^'■Have we not all one Fathei^? 
Hath not one God created us? Why do we deal 
treacherously every one against his brother, by 
profaning tlie covenant of our fatliers?'''^* The 
language of the Gospel is — '^And liave put on 
the 7iew man, lohich is reneiced in knowledge 

*MaI. ii. 10. 



54 

after the image of him that created him: where, 
there is 7ieither Greek nor Jew, circumcision nor 
uncircumcision, barbarian, Scythian, bond nor 
free, but Christ is all and in all.^^* 

Christian brethren are you prepared to meet 
your slaves, and that God who is the Father 
of your slaves, together in judgment? Do not 
decide this momentous thought precipitately — 
weigh the inquiry in the golden scales of right- 
eousness. Again, remember, if you are a child 
of God, your slave is your brother. Would it 
be esteemed honourable, or merciful, or affec- 
tionate in any human being to hold his own 
BROTHER in bondage for life, and make a slave 
of him? Judge ye. The word of truth ex- 
pressly says — "For ye are all the children of 
God, by faith in Christ Jesus." Again, our 
divine Redeemer makes the following impres- 
sive declaration: "J^or whosoever shall do the 
will of my Father which is hi heaven, the same 
is my BROTHER, and sister, and mother." 
In this declaration, he excludes neither colour, 
nor circumstances in life — the slave and the 
beggar, are alike included. 

Is there a human being on earth who does 
not love and honour the name of mother? 
Could any man see his mother degraded, or 
insulted, or oppressed, or even slighted, and 
not feel more injured and insulted than his fa- 

*Col. iii. 10. II. 



55 

vourite parent? If such a character can be 
found among men, no individual of respecta- 
bility would enter that man's name on the list 
of his friends. And do we vainly suppose that 
our divine Redeemer, who affectionately re- 
commended his mother to the care of a beloved 
disciple, and prayed for his own murderers 
\vhen he was nailed to the cross, can possess 
less sensibility than fallen man? 

Remember Christian brother, Christ will 
acknowledge your slave if she fears God and 
honours his great name by acts of righteous- 
ness, as HIS MOTHER — will you be pleased to 
meet her in that character in a coming day? 
We speak as unto wise men — ^judge ye what 
we say. Under such circumstances, can we, 
as masters^ have strong confidence? Can we 
exercise unwavering faith? Can we hope to 
hear the righteous Judge of all the earth say of 
us — "there are they who loved me while they 
dwelt on earth, with all their heart, strength, 
soul, and mind; and as an evidence of this 
great truth, they loved my mother also, al- 
though she was their slave and they kept her 
in profound ignorance?" 

This important subject cannot be- too care- 
fully investigated noic; the time is at hand 
when it will be too late to correct errors. The 
pious psalmist prays — ^'Search me, O God, 



56 

and know my heart; try me^ and know my 
thoughts^ and sec if there be any wicked way in 
me; lead me in the ivay everlasting.^'' 

It is not only necessary, agreeably to the 
Gospel of Jesus Christ, that we should love 
God supremely^ but we must love our neigh- 
bour as ourselves^ if we expect to enter into 
heaven at the gospel door. Do you inquire, 
with the Jewish lawyer, "who is my neigh- 
bour?" Our divine Master will freely impart 
that important information to every candid in- 
quirer. Jesus Christ informed the inquisitive 
Rabbi that "a certain man wxnt down from 
Jerusalem to Jericho, and fell among thieves, 
which stripped hini of his raiment, and wound- 
ied him, and departed leaving him half dead. 
And by chance there came down a certain 
priest that way; and when he saw him, he 
passed by on the other side. And likewise a 
Levite, when he was at the place, came and 
looked on him, and passed by on the other 
side. But a Samaritah, as he journeyed, came 
where he was; and when he saw him, he had 
compassion on him, and bound up his wounds, 
pouring in oil and wine, and set him on his 
own beast, and brought him to an inn, and 
took care of him. And on the morrow, when 
he departed, he took out two-pence, and gave 
them to the host, and said unto him, take care 



57 

of him; and whatsoever thou spendest more, 
when I come again I will. repay thee. Which 
now of these three, tliinkest thou, w^as 'tieigh- 
boiir unto him that fell amon<;* thieves? And 
he said, he that shewed mercy on him. Then 
said Jesus. unto him, go and do thou likewise."* 

The priests and the Levites, it will be recol- 
lected, were, among the most honoured and dis- 
tinguished characters of that day. The Samari- 
tans were universally despised by the Jews; 
they considered them a degraded class of hu- 
man beings, unworthy the notice of God's peo- 
ple; they looked down on them with contempt; 
the woman of Samaria informed our Saviour 
that the Jews have no dealing with the Samar- 
itans. The supposed disparity between these 
two characters, was no doubt as great as that 
which now exists between the wdiite and the 
black population in our own country; yet our 
Saviour compelled the dignified Israelite to ac- 
knowledge that the good Samaritan w^as a bet- 
ter character than the unfeeling (though highly 
exalted) Jew — the Jew himself being judge. 

Therefore ice should take heed to our ways, 
lest those people whom we now look down 
upon wnth so much indifference, because of 
their complexion, should rise in judgment and 
condemn us, and that out of our own mouth. 

*Luke X. 30 to 36. 



^ 58 

The Africans, the slaves^ the beggars, are all our 
neighbours, and we are bound by the Gospel 
of Jesus- Christ to love them as ourselves. Do 
we now J or can we ever hope to love our slaves 
as ourselves, while we hold them in perpetual 
bondage? If we cannot, we necessarily exclude 
ourselves from heaven. 

Secondly. That sacred, honoured precept, 

DO UNTO OTHERS AS YE WOULD THEY SHOULD 

DO. UNTO YOU, will havc a tendency to trouble 
earthly mastery, when the holy standard of 
righteousness is applied to their action in the 
day of judgment. Would you be willing to 
be any man's slave on earth, under any circum- 
stances? If you would not, how can you hold 
your fellow being — your brother — your hea- 
venly Father's child as your slave, and do as 
you would be done by? 

If this principle is correct— if we cannot 
hold our brother in bondage for life, and do as 
we w^ould be done by, what' well grounded 
hope can we who are masters, entertain of en- 
tering into heaven, seeing that agreeably to 
the plain rules laid down by the highteous 
Judge himself, we must be excluded from that 
• holy place. That exalted precept — that plain 
simple command "Jo «s you would be done. by ^'''' 
duly considered, must at least present a tre- 
mendous difficulty to the mind of every consci- 



59 

intious Christian, '»vlio holds his brother in 
bondage for life. 

TniRm-Y. There is another sacred injunc- 
tion contained in tlic holy Scriptures, which is 
calculated to militate against the mastery's claim 
to an inheritance in the heavenly world, and 
to weaken the slaveholder's faith, i. e. "My 
brethren have not the faith of oiir Lord Jesus 
Christ, the Lord of glory, with respect of per- 
sons. For if their come into your assembly 
a man with a gold ring in goodly apparel, 
and their come also a poor man in vile rai- 
ment, and ye have respect to him that weareth 
the gay clothing, and say unto him sit here in 
a good place; and ye say to the poor, stand 
thou there, or sit under my foot-stool: are ye 
not then partial in yourselves, and are become 
judges of evil thoughts? But if ye have respect 
to persons, ye commit sin, and are convicted 
of the laws as transgressors."* 

It is possible that some of our friends will 
inquire "Do you intend to equalize mankind, 
and thereby destroy all distinction and subor- 
dination among men?" Perfect subordination 
and perfect equality ^sxc not incompatible terms. 
For instance, children are not inferior in any 
way to their parents; the father considers his 
child as honorable, and his character as dear 

* James ii. 1,2,3,4, ami 9. 



60 

to him as his own life and reputation; there 
does not exist a shade of distinction between 
them, yet good children are always obedient 
to their parents; it is their indispensable dut}^, 
kindly and promptly, and faithfully to obey their 
parent's commands, and to be governed by 
their will under all circumstances; unless their 
parents should w^ickedly command them to vi- 
olate the plain law of God. This kind of sub- 
ordination is righteous altogether — it is hon- 
ourable, salutary, essential to the well being of 
society. Almighty God has wisely and mer- 
cifully instituted and established grades and 
distinctions among men. The divine law en- 
joins uniform obedience and reverence from 
subjects to magistrates and rulers, as well as 
from children to their parents. The word 
of God is very explicit on this subject. "Lei 
every soul be subject unto the higher poicers. For 
there is no -power but of God; the powers that 
5e, are ordained oj God. Whosoever^ therefore 
resisteth the poivers^ resisteth the ordinance of 
God: and they that resist shall receive to them- 
selves danmation.^''* Consequentl}", every real 
Christian must be an obedient, submissive sub- 
ject, or citizen; yet the poorest peasant in our 
country, if he is an honest man, is virtually as 
good as the president of the United States. 

*Rom. xiii. 1,2. 



61 

Servants are also commanded to ''o?^ci/ m 
all thinf^s their masters according to the flesh: 
not with eye service as man pleasers^ but in 
singleness of hearty serving GocV The servant, 
therefore, is not only bound to obey his mas- 
ter's commands, but he must do so diligently^ 
promptly^ affectionately, and as faithfully if his 
master were one hundred miles from home, as 
if he were standing in his presence. No ser- 
vant living and acting in any other way, can 
have any well grounded hope of entering into 
heaven; neither can he love his maater or his 
Maker, if he does not faithfully and affection- 
ately discharge every rational duty imposed 
on him by his master. If any man teach ser- 
vants any other doctriite than this, he is eith- 
er a stranger to the precepts and principles of 
the Gospel, or he is a deceiver, or he is de- 
ceiving his own soul. 

It may be said, "that by prescribing the duty 
of servants so strictly, we thereby establish 
the principles of slavery; for if it be just and 
right to obey strictly and faithfully, it must ne- 
cessarily be correct to hold slaves; if there is 
a slave, there must necessarily be a master." 
A moment's rational reflection; will dissipate 
this apparent difficulty. The Gospel is a 
lamp of light which fills the whole soul 
with wisdom and knowledge, producing peace 



62 

and joy in the Holy Ghost: it exerts a noiseless, 
peaceful, powerful infiueuce wherever it is seen 
or felt, operating alike in the palace and in the 
cottage, in the mansion house, and in the cabin. 
The religion of Jesus Christ, sways its sceptre, 
and constrains men to bow to its superior pow- 
er, not by the sword but by the voice of rea- 
son and righteousness, searching and making 
manifest the most secret recesses of the hnman 
heart. As a pure fountain cannot give rise to 
an impure stream, a soul sanctified by divine 
grace, and filled with the spirit of God, can 
only produce a current of meekness and love, 
imparting bountifully the same heavenly in- 
fluence to every soil through which it meanders. 
If the love of God exists in the breast of a 
slave, it constrains him to be humble, and faith- 
ful, and cheerful, in discharging every duty; 
just as much resigned to be a skve as a mas- 
ter — equally as ivilling to obey as to rule. 

But while the religion of Jesus Christ, shines 
into the servant's heart with such transcendar.t 
lustre, it also illumines the master's path, and 
clearly exhibits to view his character and his 
duty. ^^ Masters give unto your servants that 
which is JUST and EauAL knowing that ye have 
also a master in heaven. JInd ye masters, do 
the same things unto them, forbearing threat- 
ening; knowing that your master also is hi 



63 

heaven] >^either is there respect of per- 
sons WITH HIM."* 

The master's duty here plainly specified, is 
first — JUSTICE. To render JUSTICE unto every 
one of them — i. e. give them the full value of 
their labour^ making a just allowance for their 
trouble and expense. No man can violate the 
principles of justice and be innocent before 
God. Masters, have you no doubts nor fears 
on this subject? Weigh this principle carefully, 
and ascertain definitely how the account will 
be adjusted between you and your slave in the 
day ol judgment. 

Secondly. ''Equality.- ' Almighty God de- 
'clares that he is no respecter of persons; and 
surely one icorm should not assume a superior- 
ity over another worm on account of his colour, 
or condition in- life. As the servant is God's 
child, and as dear to his Maker as his master, 
there should certainly be an equality observed 
towards the servant, at least in meting- out to 
him his due — i. e. let every transaction with 
the slave, be conducted on the same fair and 
honourable principles by which you are regu- 
lated in your intercourse with other people. 

Christian master, do you righteously observe 
this rule of conduct towards your servants at 
all times.^ Remember that by the holy word of 

*Ephes. vi. 9. Col. iv. 1,2, 



64 

God, both you and your slave will ultimately 
stand or fall 

Thirdly. The third principle or rule laid 
down in the word of God for the observance 
and government of masters, is, ^^forbearing 
threatening^'^, respecting this injunction, Dr. A. 
Clark observes in his notes on Eph. vi. 9. "If 
they shall transgress at any time, lean more to 
the side of mercy^ than justice; and when you 
are obliged to punish, let it be as light and as 
moderate as possible; and let revenge have no 
part in the chastisement, for that is of the devil 
and not of God." 

Masters, do ye in your intercourse with 
your slaves, at all times feel that siveet and hea- 
venly frame of mind which the Gospel enjoins 
on all the followers of the Lord Jesus? When 
you are constrained to correct them for their 
faults do you feel conscious that you have their 
good in view equally as much as your own 
interest? On such occasions are you entirely 
free from anger or resentment? If not, you vio- 
late the holy law of love. 

If we reflect, or slight, or look down upon 
an individual when he is in adversity — in 
poverty; .but when the capricious wheel of 
fortune elevates him high in the estimation of 
men, we then advance and offer him our hand 
and our friendship, we act a mean and con- 



65 

temptible part; such conduct would sink us far 
below the level of a common ^respecter of per- 
soiiSj"^ and the word of the Lord expressly 
declares that such characters cannot enter into 
the kingdom of heaven. 

Fourthly. Another, and perhaps a greater 
difficulty than any of the preceding considera- 
tions, grows out of the relation which our slaves 
sustain to their great Creator. 

God is a universal sovereign, and justly de- 
mands the homage and the reasonable service 
of every rational human being. All we pos- 
sess or enjoy in this world has been derived 
from him. Our bodies and our souls — our time 
and our talents, all are his. An infinitely wise 
God gives nothing in vain. Almighty God has 
given to every individual on earth, (idiots ex- 
cepted,) one or more talents, not that they 
may be concealed, or lie dormant, or be wasted; 
but that each recipient may diligently, and 
faithfully improve that which has been freely 
and bountifully committed to his trust: a day 
has also been appointed when every man's 
conduct will be investigated, and a righteous 
sentence will be passed upon him agreeably to 
his works. 

In the XXV. chap, of Matthew we have an 
account of a slothful servant who received 
one talent, but instead of improving it, he kept 
7 



66 

the sacred treasure carefully laid up in a napkin; 
his conduct was condemned, and he was cast 
into outer darkness to weep and gnash his teeth 
in endless night and misery. It necessarily 
follows that every individual who neglects to 
improve his talent, or talents, must meet a 
similar fate, or the Judge will be partial and 
unrighteous. 

Our slaves have received a, talent to read 
and write, and calculate by the power of 
figures. When the righteous Judge of all the 
earth demands of them the reason why this 
talent was not improved; what can they say? 
On whom will the condemnation fall? Are we 
prepared as masters to meet this difficulty? 
Our earthly subterfuges of custom, and inex- 
pediency, it is greatly to be feared, will not be 
received on that momentous occasion. 

If it had been the design of Almighty God 
in creating these people whh a dark skin, that 
they should serve white men and masters, like 
horses or oxen, then would he not have given 
them that surperfluous talent; it would have 
been as unwise, as it would have been unneces- 
sary. Our great Creator has done all things 
well, and will most assuredly demand the im- 
provement of every talent he has given, either 
to the servant or to his master; in the case 
under consideration, which of the two do you 



67 

suppose will be accountable? Let us not be 
deceived in this business. The period is at 
hand when it will be too late to revise our con- 
duct, or correct mistakes. This rational and 
alarming difficulty should cause every master 
who does not educate his slaves, to pause, and 
reflect, and proceed no further until it is ob- 
viated. 

There are individuals who, when they are 
pressed by the difficulties connected with 
slavery, will appeal to days gone by — to the 
custom of dark ages; and even to the present 
practice of heathen nations, to justfy the prin- 
ciples of slavery. See T. J. Randolph's appro- 
priate and excellent refutation of this flimsy 
excuse, page 22. Others will apply to father 
Abraham for one drop of water to allay their 
burning fears. "Has not slavery existed," say 
they, "from the earliest ages; and was not 
Abraham the friend of God, a master — a slave- 
holder.^" We answer that slavery has existed 
from a very remote period; but will that cir- 
cumstance extenuate the crime.^ Has not sin, 
and a thousand nameless evils existed ever 
since Adam and Eve ate the forbidden fruit? 
But does that fact render sin innocent or inof- 
fensive? "The times of this ignorance God 
winked at, but now he commandeth all men 
every where to repent." 



68 

It is true that Abraham was a master, and 
owned servants; but can his example justify 
Christians in holding their brethren in bond- 
age during their natural life? Would any of 
us in the present age be willing to send our most 
favoured servants to procure a wile for our 
son? "Certainly not; that was a custom pecu- 
liar to the early and dark ages of the world, 
which has been exploded by the progress of 
civilization and Christianity." And shall we 
retain the vicious part of ancient custom, and 
cast away the innocent simplicity of the patri- 
archal age? 

The Christian master, however, contends that 
God himself through the agency of his servant 
Moses, did authorise his favoured people, the 
Jews, to hold servants during the term of their 
natural life; therefore if God is immutable, 
that which was once pleasing in his sight must 
always be so. It is very certain that the Jews 
were permitted by divine authority to hold 
certain characters in bondage during the term 
of their natural life; but what can Christians 
gain by an appeal to that circumstance? Sup- 
pose you are permitted to receive the law, and 
ceremonies of Moses, and take them for your 
guide in this matter; in applying them to the 
Gospel dispensation, what will be the result? 
The Jews were permitted to take the heathen, 



69 

or the GENTILES who were round about their 
borders, and to hold them as bond servants for- 
ever, but their brethren, those who bore the 
seal of God's covenant-people were more 
highly favoured. A Jew by his own law, could 
not hold his Jewish brother as his servant 
for iiiore than six years. Apply this law, or 
rule to the merciful dispensation of the Gos- 
pel, and it will forever explode slavery from 
the earth. Who is the Christian's brother? 
Has not Christ broken down the middle wall of 
partition between the Jew and gentile, and ex- 
tended mercy's boundary line as far as to include 
the whole human family, whether they tread the 
burning sand beneath the equator, or shiver 
around the frozen poles; whether men are found 
in Asia, or Europe, or America; or even in de- 
graded Africa,THEY are now, all brethren. 
The word of God in establishing this fact, is 
very explicit. "Wherefore remember that ye 
being in times past gentiles in the flesh, who 
are called uncircumcision, by that which is 
called the circumcision in the flesh made by 
hands; that at that time ye were without Christ, 
being aliens from the commonwealth of 
Israel, and strangers from the covenants of 
promise, having no hope,and without God in the 
world. But now in Christ Jesus ye who some- 
time were far off, are made nigh by the blood 
7* 



70 

of Christ. For he is our peace who hath,made 
both one, and broken down the middle wall 
of partition between us."* "For as many of 
you as have been baptised into Christ, have 
put on Christ. There is neither Jew nor Greek, 
there is neither bond nor free, there is nei- 
ther male nor female: for ye are all one in 
Christ Jesus."t 

If, therefore, we appeal to Moses, and seek 
an apology for slavery, under the legal dispen- 
sation, by claiming the privileges of the laws 
and customs of the ancient Israelites, our 
hopes are forever blasted. All are now breth- 
ren; and agreeably to the law of Moses, no 
man can retain his brother as a servant for 
more than six years. It necessarily follows 
that perpetual bondage in any country where 
the sound of the Gospel has been heard, must 
be illegal; consequently unjust. 

J. A.Chandler has proved incontestably, that 
we can have no legal title to any human being 
as our property, (see page 13, 14, 15,) conse- 
quently the very principles on which intermi- 
nable slavery is founded is unjust. Accord- 
ing to the sentiment of one of the highest au- 
thorities in our country as expressed in the De- 
claration of Independence, we cannot have a ti- 
tle to any human being as our property. In that 

♦Ephes. ii. 11, 12, 13, 14. \Ga.\. iii. 27, 28. 



71 

instrument he declares that *we hold these truths 
to be self-evident; that all men are ceeated 
EauAL, that they are endowed by their Cre- 
ator with certain unalienable rights; that among 
these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi- 
ness:' therefore according to this venerated in- 
strument, the principles of which served as a 
basis of the constitution of the United States, 
the existence of slavery in this country — is not 
only UNJUST, but illegal If we appeal to the 
principles of reason, we shall be conducted to 
the same conclusion. Were we for argument 
sake, to admit, that for a crime, or by voluntary 
contract, a free man might be converted into a 
slave; yet it is unreasonable, and contrary to 
any code of laws on earth to say that one man 
shall be punished for another man's crimes. — 
It is true that children are frequently involved 
in the consequences flowing from their father's 
evil deeds, and are thereby made to suffer ex- 
clusively on account of the wicked conduct of 
their parents; but this necessary effect produc- 
ed by a definite and uncontrolable cause, can- 
not possibly give a disinterested person a right 
to inflict the penalty on them; or to punish 
them for that which is neither their error nor 
their crime, but exclusively their misfortune; 
such a principle would not only be unjust but 

CRUEL. 



72 

In confirmation of this sentiment, we beg 
leave to refer our readers to a tract on the 
subject of slavery published in the year 1774 
and republished in a late edition of Wesley's 
Works, vol. vi. p. 286. 

"But waiving, for the present, all other con- 
siderations, I strike at the root of this com- 
plicated villany, I absolutely deny all slave 
holding to be consistent with any degree of 
natural justice. 

"I cannot place this in a clearer light than 
that great ornament of his profession, Judge 
Blackstone, has already done. Part of his 
words are as follows: — 

"The three origins of the right of slavery 
assigned by Justinian, are all built upon false 
foundations: (1.) Slavery is said to arise from 
captivity in war. The conqueror having a 
right to the life of his captive, if he spares 
that, has then a right to deal with him as he 
pleases. But this is untrue, if taken generally, 
— that, by the laws of nations, a man has a 
right to kill his enemy. He has only a right 
to kill him in particular cases, in cases of 
absolute necessity for self-defence. And it is 
plain, this absolute necessity did not subsist, 
since he did not kill him, but made him prisoner. 
War itself is justifiable only on principles of 
self-preservation: therefore it gives us no right 



73 

over prisoners, but to hinder their hurting us 
by confining them. Much less can it give a 
right to torture, or kill, or even to enslave an 
enemy when the war is over. Since therefore 
the right of making our prisoners slaves, de- 
pends on a supposed right of slaughter, that 
foundation failing, the consequence which is 
drawn from it must fail likewise. 

"It is said, secondly, slavery may begin by 
one man's selling himself to another. And it 
is true, a man may sell himself to work for 
another; but he cannot sell himself to be a 
slave, as above defined. Every sale implies an 
equivalent given to the seller, in lieu of what 
he transfers to the buyer. But what equivalent 
can be given for life or liberty.^' His property 
likewise, with the very price which he seems 
to receive, devolves ipso facto to his master, 
the instant he becomes his slave: in this case, 
therefore, the buyer gives nothing, and the 
seller receives nothing. Of what validity then 
can a sale be, which destroys the very principle 
upon which all sales are founded? 

"We are told, thirdly, that men may be 
born slaves, by being the children of slaves. 
But this, being built upon the two former rights, 
must fall together with them. If neither cap- 
tivity nor contract can, by the plain law of 
nature and reason, reduce the parent to a state 



74 

of slavery, much less can they reduce the 
offspring." It clearly follows, that all slavery 
is as irreconcilable to justice as to mercy." 

J. Wesley was as celebrated for his mode- 
ration and prudence, as he was for his zeal and 
piety; he adds, page 292. 

"And this equally concerns every gentleman 
that has an estate in our American plantations; 
yea, all slaveholders, of whatever rank and 
degree; seeing men buyers are exactly on a 
level with men stealers. Indeed you say, "I 
pay honestly for my goods; and I am not con- 
cerned to know how they are come by." Nay, 
but you are; you are deeply concerned to know 
they are honestly come by. Otherwise you 
are a partaker with a thief, and are not a jot 
honester than him. But you know they are 
not honestly come by; you know they are 
procured by means nothing near so innocent 
as picking of pockets, house breaking, or 
robbery upon the highway. You know they 
are procured by a deliberate series of more 
complicated villany (of fraud, robbery, and 
murder) than was ever practised either by 
Mohammedans or Pagans; in particular, by 
murders, of all kinds; by the blood of the 
innocent poured upon the ground like water. 
Now, it is your money that pays the merchant, 
and through him the captain and the African 



75 

butchers. You therefore are guilty, yea, 
principally guilty, of all these frauds, robberies, 
and murders. You are the spring that puts all 
the rest in motion; they would not stir a step 
without you; therefore, the blood of all these 
wretches who die before their time, whether 
in tlieir country or elsewhere, lies upon your 
head. "The blood of thy brother" (for, 
whether thou wilt believe it or no, such he is 
in the sight of Him that made him) ''crieth 
against thee from the earth," from the ship, 
and from the waters. O, whatever it costs, 
put a stop to its cry before it be too late: 
instantly, at any price, were it the half of your 
goods, deliver thyself from blood guiltiness! 
Thy hands, thy bed, thy furniture, thy house, 
thy lands, are at present stained with blood. 
Surely it is enough; accumulate no more guilt; 
spill no more the blood of the innocent! Do 
not hire another to shed blood; do not pay hmi 
for doing it! Whether you are a Christian or 
no, show yourself a man! Be not more savage 
than a lion or a bear!" 

Others about to sink beneath the waves of 
conscious guilt rolling over their heads from 
the dark ocean of slavery, have caught at an- 
other part of the sacred page to justify them in 
holding their fellow beings in bondage "Did 
not," say they, "Almighty God through his ser- 



76 

vant Noah, pronounce a curse upon those peo- 
ple, and peremptorily declare that they should 
be servants? It is true — Noah by divine author- 
ity no doubt, did pronounce a solemn curse 
upon his grandson Canaan for the folly and 
crime of his father Ham, in the following words: 
^'Cursed be Canaan; a servant of servants shall 
he be unto his brethren!" The descendants of 
this unfortunate character inhibited the land of 
Canaan, and this curse no doubt began to fall 
on them, when the Israelites took possession 
of that land. This prophetic declaration, (for 
it cannot rationally be viewed in any other light,) 
may have had direct reference to those events 
recorded in the history of the Jews for some 
centuries after they entered into the promised 
land; be that as it may, it cannot be satisfactor- 
ily proved that the Africans are the legal de- 
scendants of Ham. But for argument sake we 
will admit that fact; and also allow the fearful, 
awful, incomprehensible sentence pronounced 
upon them to have all its force. Suppose Al- 
mighty God has entailed the penalty of slavery 
on these unfortunate characters to the latest 
generation; we would, notwithstanding, find 
infinite difficulty in proving that we are legal- 
ly authorized to sway that fearful sceptre over 
those who are now recognized, and declared 
by the Gospel to be our brethren. 



77 

Where laws are legally enacted, and the 
punishment due to the offenders is clearly spe- 
cified, the medium through which that punish- 
ment is to be inflicted, must also be identified: 
to illustrate this principle — suppose any court 
or jury in our own country were to find an in- 
dividual guilty of murder in the first degree, 
and the judge was legally to pronounce the sen- 
tence of death upon the culprit; would you then 
be justified to step forward and kill the poor 
wretch? No; although the man was legally and 
righteously condemned to die, yet would you 
be considered in the eye of the law an offici- 
ous murderer for taking his life. 

If ,therefore, you can prove that the Supreme 
Being has doomed the descendants of Ham to 
perpetual slavery^ Rud they are certainly the un- 
fortunate children of Africa; has the same di- 
vine authority, authorized you, directly or indi- 
rectly, to be their masters? If so, where is 
your commission recorded? Produce your au- 
thority, or under the most favourable circum- 
stances, you only occupy the place of a man 
who icould arbitrarily kill a condemned criminal. 

Saul was vested with legal authority to de- 
stroy the Amelakites — they had filled up the 
measure of their iniquity. Now are you en- 
tirely certain that God is angry with the poor, 
ignorant, unoffending Africans? And if so, are 
8 



78 

you quite sure that he has authorized you to 
inflict such severe punishment on them? If hoth 
those points cannot be clearly established, all 
your ^arguments to prove that a God of infinite 
mercy and goodness, has destined the African 
race to interminable bondage, and that you are, 
therefore, justified in binding this galling yoke 
upon their necks is but sophistry, and will, in 
the end, prove abortive, and draw down ruin 
and disgrace on the heads of all concerned in 
the cruel traffic. 

Again: some of our Christian masters find 
an opiate to lull the painful sensations which 
frequently accompany the practice of slavery, 
by supposing and asserting that our slaves are 
in a more eligible and enviable condition than 
the peasantry of Europe. It is not surprising 
to see a drowning man eagerly catching at 
straws, to save him from a watery premature 
grave; but to hear those who profess our holy 
religion, resort to such an argument, to support 
a corrupt cause is truly mortifying, and degrad- 
ing to the Christian character. This flimsy sub- 
terfuge, (for it is no argument,) is equally as 
just, honourable, and cogent, as the reasoning 
of a man who enters the widow's apartment, 
and robs her of all her money; and when she 
dares to complain, the aggressor haughtily re- 
torts: — "You should be very thankful— you 



79 

should rejoice that I have not taken, every 
article in your house; you know that I have the 
power to do so. My brave companion Benin- 
casa, would have spared you neither property, 
money, nor life, reckless of all the laws 
and constituted authorities on earth; and my 
friend Shylock, would have exacted and taken, 
not only the last cent, but the last pound of flesh 
also, if he could have done so under a legal 
cloak; he is rather afraid of the halter, and 
would not openly violate the law of the land. 
You know that he is rich, and highly esteem- 
ed among* men generally. Under existing cir- 
cumstances, you have no right to complain; I 
can mention more than fifty families, who have 
been deprived of all they possessed on earth 
— even their beds have been taken from them, 
either by force or fraud. As I have been so lib- 
eral and have only taken your money, you should 
esteem me as your friend and benefactor! P'^ 

Because the ambitious, extravagant, tyranni- 
cal kings and potentates of Europe, have press- 
ed their poor subjects literally into the earth, 
by cruel and exorbitant taxes to support their 
assumed dignity, you have, therefore, a right to 
lord it over God's heritage, by erecting every 
farm into a monarchical dominion, where each 
master becomes an independent sovereign — a 
king — a potentate, and from his self-created 



80 

elevation, looks down and insults his broken 
hearted brother, whom he holds in abject bond- 
age, by saying "you should be thankful and 
rejoice that your situation is no worse; George^ 
and Lewis, and Charles, and Frederick, and 
JYicholas, all grind the face of their poor sub- 
jects with far more severity than I have yet 
ground yours; therefore you should consider 
me your best friend and benefactor." Christian 
brethren blush, and never again resort to such 
an argument to support the cause of oppression. 

To say nothing of Great Britain, with whose 
peasantry the condition of our slaves is gener- 
ally contrasted; is there a king or tyrant on 
earth who can legally, and with impunity, sell 
as he would a domestic animal, the poorest 
man's child in his realm? Is there a petty 
monarch in the world who can take the wife 
and expose her to public sale, while the husband 
dare not speak one word, or utter 4Dne com- 
plaint? No; we may safely say that there is no 
such glaring cruelty and oppression legally 
practised in any part of the whole world, but 
among the equal, honourable, free, enlightened 
Christians of Americsi, and a few islands in the 
Atantic ocean. 

In Europe, the poorest peasant receives the 
full value for his services; if it is only twopence 
per day, he can legally demand and receive that 



81 

amount; consequently bis employer may be gov- 
erned by tbe pure principles of justice. 

Can we wbo are masters living in a land of 
boasted freedom and Christian liberty, con- 
scientiously say that we have paid, or will pay 
the poor man wlio has toiled in our field through 
the day, the full value of his labour? If not, 
where is our justice j or our religion? Where 
is our superiority over our European neigh- 
bours? Will not our character suffer materi- 
ally, and be found wanting, when weighed in 
the balance with the heathens, whose motto 
was — "/(3? JUSTICE prewai/ if the pillars of heaven 
should fall. "^"^ 

Those who attempt to justify slavery, find 
an argument in its favour, in the silence of the 
New Testament respecting the subject. They 
say, that "Masters and servants are men- 
tioned, and their respective duties prescribed, 
but nothing is said to forbid the practice." 
Neither is there any express command or pre- 
cept which forbids polygamy, yet Christians 
tmiversally esteem it a crime of no ordinary 
magnitude. A man would be expelled from 
the pale of any living branch of Christ's church 
for marrying two wives, and why? Because 
the practice embraces principles, which, in 
their very nature, are neither salutary to the 
well being of society, nor compatible with the 
8* 



82 

sublime precepts of the Gospel. We respect- 
fully ask, is the complexion of slavery any better? 
Nay, is it not much worse? 

It is urged, however, by the objector, that 
"If slavery is really incompatible with the plain 
principles of the Gospel, it should, and no doubt 
would, have been forbidden in the New Testa- 
ment, in plain intelligible language." 

We answer, if the Gospel contains plain un- 
equivocal precepts, and enjoins requisitions 
which no man can comply with, and holds his 
fellow man in bondage, then is slavery as effect- 
ually forbidden, as it would have been by any 
language or expression, which could have been 
used. 

God commands all men every where to ho- 
nour and obey the powers that be; therefore, 
Christ'slaws interfere not with the laws of earth- 
ly kings or rulers. Hence, the infinitely ime, 
silent^ effectual, prohibition placed on slavery 
by the holy precepts of the Gospel. 

There is another city of refuge into which 
the pious slaveholder flies as his dernier resort, 
when he is closely pursued by the principles of 
justice or mercy, or his own conscience. 

"Have not," says he, "many masters died 
triumphantly and left a testimony sufficient to 
satisfy any rational being, expressed almost with 
their dying lips, that they have gone to rest in 
Abraham's bosom?" 



83 

This ground of justification is as flimsy to 
stand on, as it is delicate and dangerous to 
assail. 

It is not inipossible for honest good men to 
be really deceived in life, particularly when 
their interest is concerned; and if we may be 
really deceived when we are in possession of 
all our faculties, unimpaired by bodily ability; 
may we not be mistaken when disease has par- 
alysed the whole system? 

There is no new light to be seen, nor addi- 
tional knowledge to be gained by the approach 
of death. It will generally, if not always, un- 
mask the hyprocrite; but it cannot correct er- 
rors previously contracted. Our divine Mas- 
ter says, "Many will say to me in that day, Lord, 
Lord, have we not prophecied in thy name? 
and in thy name have cast out devils? and in 
thy name have done many w^onderful works? 
And then will I profess unto them I never knew 
you: depart from me ye that work iniquity."* 

Again, St. Paul says, "And for this cause 
God shall send them strong delusion, that they 
should believe a lie: that they all might be 
damned who believed not the truth, but had 
pleasure in unrighteousness."t 

Therefore the sentiments or expression of 
dying characters afford but doubtful testimo- 

*Math. xii. 22, 23. tThes. ii. 11, 12. 



84 

ny in favour of the innocence of slavery; 
at least it is very little better than a straw to 
save a drowning man from a watery grave. 

Many of our friends will startle and almost 
indignantly inquire — "what — do you suppose 
that our pious ancestors are lost who held 
slaves, and died apparently happy in the love 
of God?" 

Recollect, your good fathers and mothers 
enjoyed less light than you are blessed with. — 
In their day, there was no colony settled in Af- 
rica. There was no politician, statesman, or 
Christian minister to speak openly on this 
dark subject when they lived on earth. Hence 
it is written — 'Hhe times of this ignorance God 
winked at; but now he commandeth all men 
everywhere to repent." 

Can you plead the same apology for continu- 
ing to hold slaves, that your fathers could hon- 
estly plead.^ If not, do not advert to their exam- 
ple, nor mourn over their destiny. Allow their 
ashes to slumber in quiet repose, and their souls 
to rest in the hand of a merciful Creator. 

Remember, to you is the word of this ex- 
hortation addressed. Do justly, love mercy, 
and walk humbly with thy God. Undo the 
heavy burdens and let the captive go free. 

The Gospel is a system of pure, honourable, 
and distinguished privileges; its character is not 



85 

to exercise unbinding coercion — its iheme^ its 
substance^ its glory is love — love unsullied 
and universal Can there be found among 
the bitter ingredients of which slavery is com- 
posed, one particle of pure, undefiled love? 
If not, then all the ingenuity and sophistry of 
man cannot commingle one drop of its bitter 
gall, with the sweet pellucid streams of salva- 
tion. 

A moment's reflection on the practice of 
slavery, as it exists in our Christian country, 
must cause every sympathetic, affectionate 
heart to bleed, and every delicate, innocent 
cheek to blush. Shall we see our brethren, 
FOR WHOM Christ died, bought and sold 
LIKE BEASTS OF THE FIELD? Frequently they 
are set up at auction and sold to the highest bid- 
der; the wife and husband sundered never again 
to meet on earth. Can a rational being blessed 
with one particle of piety, believe that those 
who engage in such scenes are doing as they 
would be done by? Can such characters love 

MERCY? 

Mothers, suppose that precious babe of 
yours was exposed at public auction, and there 
were a parcel of merciless speculators in hu- 
man flesh, with hearts harder than the nether 
millstone, and blacker than the pit of Tophet, 
standing by ready to grasp your child and bear 



86 

it off forever from your sight, to be barter- 
ed for gain, among strangers in a distant clime, 
what would be your feelings? Language is too 
feeble to describe your sensations, or to paint 
the turpitude of the crime in its true colours. 

It may be said that none but the cruel, the 
hard hearted part of community would separate 
husband and wife — parents and children. Oth- 
ers would not sell, or suffer their slaves to be 
sold out of their own family for any earthly 
consideration. Come and let us reason together 
for one moment. We greatly admire the ho- 
nourable principles by which you are influenced; 
but remember life is very uncertain; human 
events are ever fluctuating. You may by 
some earthly contingency lose your property, 
and be compelled to sell your slaves. But should 
you be successful in business, and not forced 
into such a painful alternative; yet you must 
die. 

Should all your children be as virtuous and 
honourable as yourself, yet they may and icill 
marry; they are not infallible, and may marry 
imprudent characters, who may wasteyourpro- 
perty in dissipation and extravagance. The 
sheriff may come and sell their possessions, nor 
will the iron arm, or deaf ear of the law, incline 
in mercy to the suppliant cries of your servants 
about to be separated and sold to strangers; 



87 

your former tenderness will only cause them 
to feel the pangs more acutely. Can you will- 
ingly continue to pursue a system which may 
terminate in such painful results? Can your 
dying pillow be free from thorns with such re- 
flections staring you in the face? 

As Christians^ we have hitherto slumbered 
on our post, while the voice of danger, and the 
plaintive sound of suffering humanity daily aris- 
ing to heaven from every slaveholding state in 
our Christian country, has fallen unheard, and 
unheeded on our deluded senses. Let us now, 
even at this advanced period, awake and arise 
from our beds of repose and indifference. 

It will be unnecessary at this time to inquire 
what can be done with our slaves? The divine 
hand has drawn a line of distinction between 
the slave and his master which can only 
be erased by the hand of death. We pre- 
sume not to say, that a just and holy Creator 
designed the black skin as a badge of dis- 
grace or inferiority, but custom and prejudice, 
strengthened by station and pride, has written 
that opinion indelibly on the heart of almost 
every white man in our country, whether he 
lives in Boston or in Charleston. Therefore, 
if our slaves could be delivered from a state 
of bondage at once, and compelled still to 
dwell among us, it would not better their con- 



88 

dition, or cause them to be more respected, 
happy, or independent. In this country the 
black man must ever remain a degraded, in- 
sulted, and oppressed character. All unani- 
mously agree that they must be removed from 
our borders. A great and effectual door has 
already been opened for their reception. The 
country from whence they originally came, is 
sufficiently large and fertile to support them 
and their descendants for ages to come. Their 
forefathers are yet involved in heathen dark- 
ness — in profound ignorance. Those of their 
own colour, their own descendants will be bet- 
ter qualified than any other people can be, to 
penetrate that extensive, gloomy continent, and 
to diifuse the light and blessings of civilization 
and of Christianity among the natives of long 
neglected Africa. 

An experiment has already been made which 
has more than realized the expectations of its 
most sanguine friends. The colony which has 
been settled at Liberia, on the shores of Africa, 
is now in a more flourishing condition than any 
new settlement of the same nature and age ever 
before made in any part of the world. 

Our own country — the United States of 
America, in their progress — in the increase of 
their population — their improvement in the arts 
and sciences, and in the diffusion of Christian 



89 

knowledge, stand without a parallel on the page 
of history? yet, in their origin — in the dawn of 
their existence, this povrerf ul and noio indepen- 
dent nation, was far less successful than has 
been the little vine planted at Liberia. The 
first settlers reached the shores of Africa in 
June, 1822; they are now in a prosperous con- 
dition; three churches have already been erect- 
ed; several schools are in successful operation. 
They have a newspaper regularly conducted 
by a coloured man; many of the new settlers 
are becoming wealthy. The population already 
amounts to about three thousand souls. They 
are gradually extending their territory along 
the shores of the Atlantic, and also into the in- 
terior among the natives, with w^hom tbey are 
on friendly terms and highly respected and 
honoured by those poor savages. 

The whole amount of money received by 
the Colonization Society up to the 20th of June, 
1832, is $155,912 52. With this small sum of 
money, a new w^orld has been purchased — a 
new nation has been settled, and the prejudice 
of thousands respecting the deportation and 
colonization of our slaves in Africa has been 
wiped away. Surely never before was the 
the same amount of money so judiciously ex- 
pended. 

It is only necessary to sustain the Coloniza- 
9 



90 

tion Society, and furnish them with a sufficient 
amount of money, and under the smiles of hea- 
ven, and the direction of the divine hand, our 
country will, in due time, be delivered from im- 
pending ruin; our coloured brethren will be 
rescued from heavy bondage? while this dou- 
ble blessing will confer one of greater magni- 
tude on unfortunate, degraded, benighted 
Africa. 

It is not practicable, neither would it be 
desirable, or prudent to remove our slave popu- 
lation from this country in one, or two, or 
even in ten years, but let the subject be warm- 
ly espoused by Christians generally, and this 
great object can be effected in thirty or forty 
years, nor would the loss be felt even by their 
masters. 

The annual increase of the coloured popula- 
tion in the U. States, amounts to about 60,000. 
By making provision to remove 100,000 annu- 
ally to Africa, the first ten years would reduce 
the old stock 412,000 leavingabout 1,588,000. 
The net increase from that number would be 
a fraction less than 48,000; continue to re- 
move 100,000 annually, and in the next ten 
years, the original stock would be reduced to 
1,035,000. The increase from that number 
would be about 30,105. Still continue to re- 
move 100,000 annually, and in ten years more 



91 

the old stock would be reduced to about 
275,000; which number could be removed in 
less than three years. Thus in less than 33 
years, the name, and stain of slavery might be 
wiped away forever. Sliould w^e even proceed 
on a more limited scale, and effect this great 
w^ork in one hundred years, it w^ould be an 
achievement worthy of a free and Christian na- 
tion; and by far the greatest and the best lega- 
cy which we could bequeath to our posterity. 
The amount of money required to remove 
100,000 persons from our country to Africa, 
would be less than three millions of dollars an- 
nually. Large as this sum may appear, it can 
be furnished with ease by the church alone. 
If every member of Christ's church in the U. 
States, would contribute three cents every 
week, it would amount to the sum required! 
Can this statement be correct! And are we 
what W6 profess to be, i. e. children of the 
Most High God — members of his earthly fa- 
mily and all one in Christ Jesus? And are our 
Father's children in abject bondage, many of 
those whom our Saviour will condescend to 
call another — sister — brother, doomed to ignor- 
ance, disgrace, and perpetual slavery; and the 
small pittance of three cents per week from 
all Christ's professed followers would pay their 
expenses to Africa, where they might be free 



92 

and happy. With these facts staring us in the 
face — with this picture before our eyes; under 
such circumstances, can we any longer remain 
idle spectators of the scene, and be innocent? 

No; we can now frame no apologies; a door 
has been opened by the hand of a wise and 
merciful God, and if we do not enter into the 
work promptly and zealously, in all human pro- 
bability, the door of mercy will be closed on 
us forever. 

To prove that it will be neither cruel nor 
chimerical to colonize our slaves in Africa, we 
again refer our readers to Wesley's Works 
vol. vi. p. 279. 

"And, first, what kind of country is that from 
whence they are brought.'* Is it so remarkably 
horrid, dreary, and barren, that it is a kindness 
to deliver them out of it? I believe many 
have apprehended so; but it is an entire mistake, 
if we may give credit to those who have lived 
many years therein, and could have no motive 
to misrepresent it. 

"That part of Africa whence the negroes are 
brought commonly known by the name of 
Guinea, extends along the coast, in the whole, 
between three and four thousand miles. From 
the river Senegal, seventeen degrees north of 
the line, to Cape Sierra Leone, it contains 
seven hundred miles. Thence it runs eastward 



93 

about fifteen hundred miles, including the 
Grain Coast, the Ivory Coast, the Gold Coast, 
and the Slave Coast, with the large kingdom 
of Benin. From thence it runs southward 
about twelve hundred miles, and contains the 
kingdoms of Congo and Angola. 

"Concerning the first, the Senegal Coast, 
Monsieur Brue, who lived there sixteen years, 
after describing its fruitfulness near the sea, 
says, "The farther you go from the sea, the 
more fruitful and well-improved is the country, 
abounding in pulse, Indian corn, and various 
fruits. Here are vast meadows, which feed 
large herds of great and small cattle; and the 
villages, which lie thick, show the country is 
well peopled." And again: "I was surprised 
to see the land so well cultivated: scarce a 
spot lay unimproved; the lowlands, divided by 
small canals, were all sowed with rice; the 
higher s^rounds were planted with Indian corn, 
and peas of different sorts. Their beef is 
excellent; poultry plenty, and very cheap, as 
are all the necessariei of life." 

"As to the Grain and Ivory Coast, we learn 
from eye witnesses, that the soil is in general 
fertile, producing abundance of rice and roots. 
Indigo and cotton thrive without cultivation; 
fish is in great plenty; the flocks and herds are 
numerous, and the trees loaden with fruit 
9* 



94 

"The Gold Coast and Slave Coast, all who 
have seen them agree, are exceeding fruitful and 
pleasant, producing vast quantities of rice and 
other grain, plenty of fruit and roots, palm 
wine and oil, and fish in great abundance, with 
much tame and wild cattle. The very same 
account is given us of the soil and produce of 
the kingdoms of Benin, Congo, and Angola. 
From all which it appears, that Guinea, in 
general, is far from a horrid, dreary, barren 
country, — is one of the most fruitful, as well 
as the most pleasant, countries in the know^n 
world. It is said indeed to be unhealthy; and 
so it is to strangers, but perfectly healthy to 
the native inhabitcints." 

Let us now examine partially the means we 
have in our power, and contrast them with the 
efforts we have heretofore made in behalf of 
suffering, degraded humanity. 

We have no correct data by which we can 
ascertain the exact number of church members 
in the U. States. There is said to be in all, 
about 1 1 ,000 houses of worship or churches, 
in our country: of that number the Methodist 
Episcopal and the Baptist churches alone, own 
and occupy about 4,500, leaving the balance 
of 6,500 for all other denominations. There 
are more than one million of members connect- 
ed with the Methodist Episcopal and Baptist 



95 

churches. It is at least a moderate calculation 
to allow all the other sects (who occupy 2,000 
houses more than those two denominations,) 
as many members as they have; which would 
make the whole number of professing Chris- 
tians in the U. States more than two millions. 
The state of our accounts will be as follows, 
viz. 

The church if Christ in the U. States of 
America, in account current with their Fa- 
ther's coloured children, now in bondage. 

DR. 
For amount required to remove the whole 
number to Africa in 33 years estimated an- 
nually at $3,000,000 00 
CR. 
By — part of amount paid to 
the Colonization Society in 
ten years, i. e. from June, 
1822 to June, 1832 — 
$155,912 52. 

Averaging per annum. 15,591 25 



Balance due each year!!! $2,984,408 75 

Our Christian brethren should not forget, 
that to furnish the above account of three mil- 
lions of dollars, each individual member of 
Christ's church will be called on to contribute 

only ONE DOLLAR AND FIFTY CENTs! PER 
ANNUM. 



96 

Will not our ample means, compared with 
otir feeble efforts in days gone by, cause us to 
blush, and implore pardon for the past; and re- 
solve to act more wisely, liberally, and efficient- 
ly in future? 

From this view of the subject, we respect- 
fully submit the following plan for the consid- 
eration of every minister of the Gospel having 
the oversight or charge of any part of our Sa- 
viour's little flock on earth; i. e. immediately 
form, or make a zealous attempt to form your 
church into a society for the relief of our col- 
oured brethren now in bondage. Let the 
terms of membership be, the payment of not 
less than three cents per week, or 1 ,50 per an- 
num. Members in favoured circumstances 
should be permitted to give as much as they 
please. A special clause of the following im- 
port should be inserted in the constitution — 
i. e. we solemnly pledge ourselves to the Great 
Head of the church, and our brethren that we 
will either save out of our ordijiary expenses; 
or we will make an extraordinary effort to earn, 
or make, three cents every week; which 
amount shall be regularly paid over to the 
treasurer of the society for the relief of our 
brethren now in bondage in our own country. 

If the design be carefully explained, and the 
means pointed out to all our coloured brethren 



97 

in the church, they too, can, and will meet the 
demand without difficulty. 

By this simple, rational, easy course of pro- 
ceedings, the whole mass of our slave popula- 
tion could be redeemed, and restored to lib- 
erty and their native country, without drawing 
one cent from the private desk, or the ordina- 
ry resources of one individual in our country. 
That there is one member in Christ's church 
who deserves a name or place among Chris- 
tians, who would be unwilling to contribute the 
small pittance of three cents per week for this 
noble purpose, we are utterly unwilling to be- 
lieve. 

And should there be one member found in 
any branch of the church who is really una- 
ble to SAVE, or to MAKE, Or to GIVE, THREE 

CENTS per week for the accomplishment of 
such an important object; surely there would 
be ten others both able and willing to pay the 
amount for their unfortunate brother. 

There are, no doubt, hundreds, nay thou- 
sands in the church who spend for unnecessary 
articles every week, more than one hundred 
times the amount required to effect this great 
purpose, and yet they hojiestly believe that 
nothing can be done for our unfortunate slaves. 
It should be the minister's duty to correct the 
errors of all such members; in attending to this 



98 

part of our duty, however, we must be very- 
careful to have the mote removed from our own 
eye, or all our labour will be lost. 

The ministers of the sanctuary especially, 
should stand firm in this great cause. They 
should adopt the sentiments of the evangelical 
prophet, and resolutely declare — "jPor Zioyi's 
sake will I not hold my peace; and for Jei^sa- 
hni's sake I will 7iot rest^ until the righteous- 
ness thereof goelh forth as brightness, and the 
salvation thereof as a lamp that hurnethP 

It may be said that the deportation of 
100,000 souls annually, ignorant and degraded 
as our slaves generally are, would form a stream 
oi cor/uption better calculated to deluge, not 
only the present little colony at Liberia, but 
the whole continent of Africa with indolence, 
vice, misery, and darkness, than to form a 
beacon of light to guide the steps of the be- 
liighted Africans to a state of civilization and 
Christianity. To this objection we answer, it 
would be unnecessary as it would be imprudent 
to overstock, or inundate the nursery already 
planted at Liberia, with a greater portion of 
crude materials than they could prudently re- 
ceive. Other locations may be procured: 
settlements should be made on every spot of 
eligible ground, until the whole continent of 
Africa shall be environed around with colonies. 



99 

Many intelligent, sincere friends to the pros- 
perity of our slaves, could not believe that it 
was practicable to found a living, growing 
colony of coloui-ed people in any part of Africa; 
they have been completely and most agreeably 
disappointed. 

A learned and respectable writer in the 
American Quarterly Review, has endeavour- 
ed to prove that it is impracticable to colonize 
our coloured population in Africa. As far as 
an experiment has been made, (experience 
must test the truth of every theory,) his senti- 
ments are incorrect. The colony at Liberia 
has been establislied under circumstances more 
unfavourable than would exist in settling colo- 
nies, either in the same section of the country, 
or on any other part of the continent. 

All our coloured population may be thrown 
into Africa to-morrow, and leave it a wildcF- 
ness still in point of population. Therefore, 
whatever dilhculties may lie in the way, no- 
thing can justify Christians in shrinking from 
their duty. Let us unite and raise the money 
— let us place three or even one million of 
dollars annually in the hands of the Coloniza- 
tion Society, or any other association of men 
for the same purpose, and they will very soon 
prove, to all concerned, that all other obstacles 
are visionary — are like the morning cloud, or 



100 

the early dew. At least the effort will cost 
each individual but a trifle; and should the final 
success not be as complete as we anticipate, 
we should thereby secure the blessing of an 
approving conscience, and the smiles of heaven. 

Our author believes that the negroes are an 
inferior race of beings, incapable of rising to 
an honourable standard of civilization and 
science. It is also his opinion, that their 
ancestors in Africa are not susceptible of a 
high state of improvement in consequence of 
their indolent debased nature. Poverty and ig^ 
norance, it is true, are materials out of which, 
exclusively, no edifice, possessing either beauty 
or strength, can be erected — slaves liberated, 
and still doomed to live among us, even in any 
of the free states, must ever remain a degraded 
people in the estimation of white men. Place 
them, however, where they can be operated on 
by encouraging incentives — where the hope of 
an adequate reward will sweeten their labour — 
where they can be honoured and respected in 
exact proportion to their merit and virtue, and 
they will soon rise to a level with other civil- 
ized and Christian nations. 

To doom an entire race of human beings to 
poverty, ignorance, and degradation, may be 
policy in designing men; but it was never the 
design, neither can it meet the approbation of 



101 

a just and holy God. That our coloured popu- 
lation, in their present condition presentdiscor- 
dant materials for colonizing purposes is readily 
granted; yet, perhaps they are better prepared 
to form a prosperous and happy community, 
than would the learned and wealthy if they 
were selected out of any country and colonized 
exclusively by themselves. This respected 
author has himself complimented our slaves 
very highly by attributing to them an amiable 
and affectionate disposition. He says, that 
many of them sincerely love their masters. 
Now we greatly fear that our learned friend 
with all his natural and acquired advantages, 
would be utterly unable to love that character, 
and kiss affectionately that hand, which had 
bound an iron yoke of bondage around his 
neck. 

By the assistance of humane and religious 
characters, now ready to afford their aid, those 
people could very soon be educated and taught 
the principles of our holy religion; and under 
the smiles of heaven, they would soon rise to 
a happy state of civilization and Christianity 
in any part of the earth where men can live. 

Under the w^eight of prejudice which ope- 
rates against them, and surrounded by almost 
every discouragement in our own country, 
some of them have risen to independence and 
10 



102 

intelligence; and many of them to an exalted 
state of piety. 

All savage and barbarous nations, as well as 
the Africans, are poor — ignorant — indolent^ 
and degraded; nor can any thing but civiliza- 
tion and religion correct those evils. Let us 
extend these blessings to degraded, injured 
Africa, and her wilderness and solitary places 
toOj will soon blossom as the fragrant rose on 
our own favoured hills. 

The same writer supposes that a removal of 
our slaves from among us would be attended 
with ruinous consequences. Were they all 
removed in one, or even in ten years, it would 
no doubt produce considerable inconvenience; 
but let it be known and believed that our slaves 
will certainly be removed to Africa in the 
course of thirty or fifty years, and from that 
moment our population and our prospects will 
begin to improve. There is now a strong 
current in motion which is bearing a large 
amount of our best citizens to the west because 
they dread the consequences of slavery. Arrest 
the growth of this evil, and say it shall be ex- 
tirpated from our land, and you will at once 
weaken^ if you do not dry up that current. 
The Atlantic states possess advantages which 
the western states can never enjoy. 

But let the present state of things continue 



103 

without any hope of a favourable change, and 
in a few years your soil, or rather your hills, 
robbed of their soil and substance by the 
withering hand of slavery — a population com- 
posed of wealthy nabobs, and a few white 
skeletons, more indolent ^ignorant and degraded 
than your slaves — together with a dark dense 
cloud of human forms like the locusts of Egypt 
in the days of Pharaoh, darkening the sun, and 
desolating the earth, will mark your certain 
condition, and constitute your faded glory. 
Pass through the eastern, and free western 
states, and how many dilapidated churches — 
deserted villages — houses empty and in a state 
of ruin; how many old fields grown over with 
briars and sedge capable of bearing nothing 
but the black signature of poverty^ will you 
find? Perhaps not one for one hundred that 
you will see in the state of Virginia, which 
should, and would be the garden spot of the 
United States were it not for the existence of 
slavery. 

When this truly benevolent scheme goes 
into extensive operation, every Christian 
master will educate his slaves, and prepare 
them for the reception and enjoyment of liberty 
before he sends them away. It may be said 
that the laws of nearly all the slaveholding 
states will not admit of their education. Those 



104 

laws were enacted from supposed necessity; 
such a restriction was deemed essential to the 
safety and well being of the white population, 
and under an impression that slaves and masters 
were to remain together forever. A change 
in the circumstances and prospects of our 
slaves, would induce the state authorities 
promptly to rescind those legal restrictions, 
repugnant to the feelings of every patriot's 
heart; offensive to every free man; and at open 
war with the whole system of civil and re- 
ligious liberty. 

Were all the professors of religion in these 
United States to take up the cross of Jesus 
Christ resolutely, and firmly sustain that sacred 
banner, the important work of removing the 
coloured population from our country, could 
be etfected without injuring the master one 
cent, or asking him for one favour. Were all 
Christians unanimously and promptly to com- 
mence the work of retrenchment, by cutting 
off every unnecessary expense from our houses 
and furniture^ our wearing apparel^ our food, 
8fc. not expending one cent exclusively to grati- 
fy our passions or our appetites^ and cast one- 
half of the redeemed amount into the Lord's 
treasury, it would make a sum sufficient to 
purchase at the ordinary price 100.000 slaves 
annually, and send them to Africa and furnish 



105 

them with one year's provision in advance. 
Can we examine this subject with care, and 
then contemplate the day when we must meet 
our slaves and the heathen nations at the judg- 
ment seat of Christ, without feeling alarmed? 

Having briefly considered the disgrace, the 
criielty, the injustice 3ind the danger of slavery; 
and also pointed out a remedy for this growing, 
alarming evil, we now appeal: 

First. To our brethren iu the church who 
are implicated in the evils of slavery, to those 
who have inherited from their ancestors the 
name of master, and also the incumbrance of 
human souls, as a legacy. 

Our heart's desire, and prayer to God, is, 
that you may be speedily delivered from the 
degrading, dangerous evil of slavery. You 
should immediately emancipate your slaves on 
condition that they remove to Africa. 

Every effort in your power should be made 
to effect this important object as soon as prac- 
ticable. Do not, therefore, sleep until the rights 
of your Father's children are secured to them 
in a legal form. Remember that you have enjoy- 
ed your good things in this life, and your Father's 
coloured children, who are your slaves, have 
received their evil things. You should, therefore, 
not stop at a few cents per week; you should 
make a fair and honest calculation, and ascertain 
10* 



106 

how much you can possibly give,for the laudable 
and important purpose of redeeming your un- 
fortunate brethren from reproach and bondage. 
If you have derived any pecuniary benefit from 
their labour, you should be the more liberal on 
that account. Do not we beseech you, begin 
to say — "my people are worth so much money 
— they cost me so many dollars?"^ 

Reflect for one moment — the silver and the 
gold belongs to God. Your slave bears the 
same relation to the great Sovereign of the uni- 
verse, that yo do. Israel's God can bless your 
temporal concerns, and cause them to prosper 
abundantly, were that for your good; or he 
can curse your efforts, and send poverty and 
misery into your habitation. You should, 
therefore, freely impart liberty to the captive, 
and not take your fellow servant by the throat, 
saying "pay me that thou owest,'''^ lest the Al- 
mighty God should be wroth with you, (to 
whom he has forgiven a debt of more than 
ten thousand talents,) and deliver you to the 
tormenters, until you pay all that you are in- 
debted unto him. The testimony of an ap- 
proving conscience and the smiles of heaven 
are more to be desired than all the gold and 
silver, which "sinews bought or sold have 
earned." 

Remember that your slaves are all your hea- 



107 

venfy Father's children, and cost his Son's 
blood to redeem their souls from death; and 
if they fear God, and work righteousness, they 
will be recognized by our Lord Jesus Christ 
in the day of final retribution, as his mother, 
sister, and brother. 

We respectfully and affectionately appeal 
to your sense of honour, and the refined feel- 
ings of your own heart and ask if your own 
honoured and beloved mother, together with 
your sister and brother, were literally doomed 
to servile bondage, and money could redeem 
them from that degraded condition, would you 
not give the last cent within your reach for that 
honourable purpose. Under such circum- 
stances, would you spend even one cent un- 
necessarily — exclusively to gratify your passions 
or your appetites? No, you would not; as an 
honourable man we confidently anticipate your 
conduct in such a case; you would discard every 
delicacy from your table; you would even dis- 
pense with the use of tea and coffee, and substi- 
tute milk, or rye, or barley, or sage, or sassafras 
in their place: you would not then chew, or 
smoke, or snuff that bitter weed, and say — '■Ht 
is a harmless luxury.'''' You would not expend 
unnecessarily one cent in building and orna- 
menting that house in which you are to lodge 
for a iiew nights only before you appear in the 



108 

presence of the righteous Judge of all the earth, 
to here him pass sentence on your character 
and conduct. 

L'nder such circumstances, you would ex- 
elude all costly furniture^ and pictures of eve- 
ry kind, from your habitation. Were the pain- 
ter or the pedlar, to approach your door with 
their splendid trash, you would drive them from 
your presence, and indignantly exclaim — '-''will 
you insult a man ofsorroiv, whose dearest friends 
and nearest relatives^ are involved in abject bond- 
age^ but may be redeemed with moneyV 

Neither would you under such 'painful^ mor- 
tifying circumstances, repair to the store and 
purchase a fine hat, when you could procure 
one of a coarse texture which would be as du- 
rable for one half the money. That fine broad 
cloth of which your coat is made, would have 
remained unmolested on the merchant's shelf. 
Nor would your affectionate daughters consent 
to waste your money for silk, or lace, or veils, 
or ribands, or jewellery of any kind; they would 
cast such flimsy trash from their presence with 
contempt. If they were tantalized, or derided 
by the gay, the thoughtless, the vain and 
frivolous part of their sex, because of their 
rustic appearance, they would honourably 
reply, "Our /ctf/ier's mother^ sister ^ and brother, 
are in poverty, degradation, and bondage, and 



109 

may be redeemed with money; therefore we 
will not waste one cent of our father's money 
unnecessarily until they are relieved from their 
deplorable condition, and can enjoy the bless- 
ings of liberty, and the sweets of religion, with 
our father and his family. 

Would not such a course of conduct in your 
daughters be truly honourable, and cause your 
heart to swell with emotions of gratitude? 

Were the daughters of Columbia universally 
influenced by such just and exalted sentiments, 
there would not be found so many unhappy 
families in our country. The sheriff and the 
lawyers would then be left almost without em- 
ployment; they would be compelled to return 
to agricultural or scientific pursuits for their 
support. Peace, plenty, and harmony, would 
everywhere abound^ giving rise to a stream of 
righteousness flowing through the land in every 
direction, fertilizing the soil, and invigorating 
the roots of virtue until the whole earth would 
be crowned and clothed with the flowers of 
Eden, and the fruits of paradise. 

We do not presume to say that strangers 
should receive the same degree of protection 
at our hands which we extend to our near re- 
latives. In this probationary state, the mem- 
bers of our own family are made more dear to 
us than others for wise and merciful purposes; 



110 

were it not so, fallen sinful men would regard 
their children or their parents no more than 
they now respect the sufferings of their de- 
graded slaves. 

The great truth which must be defended, is, 
that God is no respecter of persons; therefore 
our slaves are as dear to him as we are, and 
we shall all stand on the same level in the day 
of judgment. 

Brethren we beseech you no longer slumber 
and fold your hands together, and say, '■Hoe can 
do nothing^ Neither should you wait one 
moment for others to precede or accompany 
you in effecting this important object. Every 
one will have to give an account to God for 
himself You should at least give all that you 
can possibly save from the ordinary expenses 
of your family or can make by extra labour. 

If all your brethren in the church will not 
unite with you — nay if not one of them will 
join you in this work of righteousness and la- 
bour of love, you should proceed alone. 

It would be a desperate argument to say — 
"/ will be virtuous and honourable^ if all my 
neighbours will unite with me and be virtuous 
and honourable also?'' 

Respecting emancipation, some of our friends 
say, their slaves are utterly unwilling to leave 
them — they will not go to Liberia, and they 



Ill 

cannot possibly force them. In all such cases 
we can only recommend you to act in the fear of 
God. Honestly represent, or get some person in 
whom your slave can confide, to make to them 
a fair statement of facts as they exist. Let 
them know that in Africa they can be, not only 
free, but honoured and respected just in pro- 
portion to their virtue and merit. In our 
country they can never hope to be ever re- 
spected by white people generally. They 
must here forever remain a degraded people, 
nor is it possible for a master to treat them as 
justice and mercy would dictate. When a fair 
representation of the case is made to them and 
they still refuse to be free, you must then do 
the best you can with, and for them, honestly 
commilting yourself and your slaves to the 
guidance of Almighty God, who will soon in- 
cline their hearts to go to Africa, or he will 
open some other door for their reception. 

These circumstances, however, need not 
prevent you from contributing liberally to the 
fund for their relief, which will, in a few years, 
if zealously engaged in, render Africa an ho- 
nourable, desirable home for every coloured 
man in our country. Then will they go and 
thank you for your kindness. At present they 
lack confidence. 

Make an honest effort; faithfully perform 



112 

your part; and then leave the result to that 
God who sitteth on the throne and ruleth all 
things well. Inactivity w ill form an important 
part of your crime. Your condemnation will 
proceed from your own remissness. 

Secondly. An appeal may next be made 
with great propriety to our brethren whose 
location is more fortunate than our own; to 
those who are happily placed beyond the 
boundary line of slavery; to those who dwell 
in our free and happy states, where the de- 
grading epithets of master and slave are never 
heard. 

Because you are far removed from the re- 
gion where the destructive epidemic of slavery 
exerts its fatal influence; because you are lo- 
cated on a soil which produces no slavery, 
will you, therefore, feel no interest in the safety 
and prosperity of your brethren placed under 
different circumstances? Are you the servants 
of our Lord Jesus Christ — the children of the 
Most High God? And can you expatriate 
yourselves from the family of our common 
Father? Are we not all emphatically one in 
Christ? St. Paul says, ^^so we being many^ are 
one body in Christ, and every one members one 
of another.'''' 

Can this endearing, this intimate and honour- 
able connexion, we respectfully ask, be dis- 



113 

solved by cliraes, or by circumstances? It 
cannot; consequently, you are bound by tbe 
ties of the Gospel — by the bonds of Christian 
charity, to identify your fortune and your fate, 
in a good degree, with your brethren who are 
implicated in this evil. 

In this fraternal — this rational appeal, we 
would not advert to former times and circum- 
stances. Our eastern brethren have not for- 
gotten that they greatly contributed to bind 
the polluted badge of slavery around our necks. 
This fatal error^this reprehensible course of 
conduct growing out of an unhallowed thirst 
for gold, we freely forgive; but do not forsake 
us when your aid is necessary. Do not begin 
to say: — ^'' We are safe, and contented, and hap- 
py, therefore our unfortunate friends at a dis- 
tance tvho are differently situated must manage 
their own concerns in their own way." Were 
you at sea in a violent storm, when every suc- 
ceeding wave threatened the vessel, and all on 
board with destruction; would you feel entire- 
ly unconcerned, and make no effort to save the 
ship because you were only a passenger.'' The 
existence of slavery in our country is a na- 
tional crimej as well as a national disgrace; 
and we must all stand or fall together. If we 
are all the children of God; if we are all one 
in Christ Jesus, you can no more feel uncon- 
cerned about our situation, or stand off and 
II 



114 

refuse to administer to our necessities, than 
a sober man could see a dreadful ulcer on his 
arm, and disregard it, because it was not on his 
head, or on some other part of his body. 

Thirdly. We impressively and affection- 
ately appeal to every • individual member in 
every branch of Christ's church in these Uni- 
ted States. 

How long shall we disgrace our heavenly 
Father's name, and tarnish the Gospel of Jesus 
Christ, by our unnatural, and our unholy di- 
visions and contentions? Do we not, like the 
Israelites of old, draw nigh to God with our 
lips, while our hearts are far from him? Do 
we not daily pray — ^Hhy will he done on earth 
as it is done in heavenV* 

There is no division or discord in heaven; 
neither should there be in the church on earth. 
If, however, we have so little religion — so 
little of our divine Master's spirit, that we can- 
not agree in sentiment respecting our doctrine 
— our views of church government — our forms 
and ceremonies — our meats and our drinks; 
surely we can all harmonize, and unite our 
efforts to promote the cause of justice and 
HUMANITY. Our brethren — our heavenly Fa- 
ther's children, are now in bondage; — igno- 
rance and degradation, encompass them about 
as a thick cloud. They cry, and their cries 
have reached the ears of the Lord of Sabaoth; 



115 

nor will he forget the cry of the needy for- 
ever. If we neglect our duty, and turn away 
from our brother in distress — Almighty God 
may turn away from us in the day of our ca- 
lamity. 

In view of this momentous subject, and at 
the sacred shrine of mercy, surely we can all 
meet, and meet as children of the same Fa- 
ther. In this just and righteous cause, there 
is nothing to excite our jealousies, or to provoke 
any of us to displeasure; here the Calvinist 
and the Armenian, can walk side by side in 
perfect harmony— the Catholic, and the Pro- 
testant — the Episcopalian and the Dissenter — 
the advocates for sprinkling and for immer- 
sion, may all stand together on the same holy 
ground of sympathy, and commingle their 
tears and their pence together, those little 
rivulets, rising into a broad stream of mercy, 
would bear the unhallowed name and stain of 
slavery from our shore, and bury it deep be- 
neath the Atlantic wave; while upon the sur- 
face of this swelling tide, the sacred treasure 
of liberty and the Gospel should be deposited 
securely on the benighted coast of Africa, 
there to rise and shine with transcendant 
lustre, never again to be extinguished. 

"Ethiopia shall soon stretch out her hands 
unto God. Princes shall come out of Egypt." 
The mouth of the Lord hath spoken it, and 
who will disannul his words? 



116 

Great and noble efforts are now making to 
send the Gospel into all the world — into 
every clime and country on earth.** Let us for 
one moment reflect on the inconsistency of 
sending missionaries to distant countries and 
the isles of the sea, to preach liberty to the 
captive — life and salvation to the poor degrad- 
ed, heathen nations; while such a large por- 
tion of our own family at home are entirely 
neglected. Suppose an intelligent heathen 
were to submit the following interrogatives to 
one of our missionaries, i. e. "in your happy 
country where the Gospel has so long obtain- 
ed, do Christians all love each other tenderly? 
Is there no oppression, or violence practised 
in all your Christian land? Does every Chris- 
tian there love his neighbour as himself? This 
is the substance of what you preach to us; how 
is it in your own country?" 

Would not the plain, honest Christian mis- 
sionary have to confess his sins before a heathen 
tribunal? He would be. compelled to say: — -"In 
the very heart of our Christian land, where the 
Gospel is preached daily, nearly one-half of 
the inhabitants are involved in impervious dark- 
ness; they are not taught, nor permitted to read 
the word of God; they are nearly all profound- 
ly ignorant. They are set up at auction and 
sold to the highest bidder, like oxen and horses, 
by the authority of our Christian laws. Pa- 



117 

rents and children, icives and husbands, are torn 
asunder for the sake of a few cents, no more to 
meet on earth; nor are they suffered to utter 
one word of complaint. If they are caught to- 
gether worshipping their Creator, any common 
wicked man if he wears a white skin, may 
disperse them, and have them chastised for 
their presumption." 

Would not the heathen man say: — "Return 
home and learn to be just and merciful, be- 
fore you attempt to be generous. Teach your 
Christian brethren to let their captive brother 
go free— to unloose the heavy burden from the 
shoulders of the oppressed. Go home and learn 
your own people to do justice and to love 
MERCY, before you come so far to teach us 
these important lessons." 

Can we rationally hope to be permanently 
respected and useful abroad, while we are so 
deeply disgraced at home? Such a supposition 
is not reasonable; therefore, our first great ef- 
fort should be to remove the evil of slaver} 
from our own land, if we expect to be success- 
ful in preaching liberty and the Gospel to the 
heathen nations. 

The existence of slavery among us as a free 
and religious people, presents innumerable in- 
consistencies and absurdities. It may not be 
unprofitable to advert to a few of them. 

Through the assistance of Almighty God, 
we broke the yoke of bondage imposed on us 
11* 



118 

by George the Third, from our own necks; we 
established our independence as a nation; we 
then proclaimed our sentiments to all the world 
by declaring that, "All men are created 
EauAL, that they are endoivecl by their Creator 
with certain tmalienahle rights; that among 
these are life, liberty, and the pursuit oe 
happiness;" and then, fearlessly, and without a 
blush of shame, we placed our feet on the necks 
of a large portion of our own family, and pe- 
remptorily say; you shall not taste the citp of lib- 
erty, YOU shall not inhale one free breath. We 
sing around our festive board, and publicly 
cry in the streets, in open day — "liberty and 
EauALiTY. There are no kings nor tyrants 
in our free, happy, Christian country — hail 
Columbia, happy land." With this triumphant 
song of liberty and equality on our lips, and 
while we are feasting on the richest bounties 
of heaven, we hold in our hand a chain with 
which we bind two millions of our own bre- 
thren in servile abject bondage, because they 
are guilty of the crime of bearing a dark com- 
plexion! They are made an object of sale and 
barter, like our domestic animals, nor are they 
permitted to speak one word in their own de- 
fence. 

We boast of our freedom, and say we make 
OUR OWN laws; but when our attention is di- 
rected to the condition of our slaves, we piously 
sigh and say: " We art truly sorry for these poor 



119 

creatures; but the laws of our country will 
not suffer us to educate or emancipate them; 
therefore, ice can do nothing to alleviate their 
sufferings — the providence of God has placed 
them among us, and we must patiently wait the 
Lordh time to deliver themV 

God commands us to do as we would be 
done by — to love our neighbour as ourselves; 
and positively says, we must not love the world 
— yet, we as free and pious Christians, can 
buy and sell for a ^qw pieces of silver, our own 
brother—God's child, and that soul for whom 
Christ died, and then repair to the Lord's earth- 
ly sanctuary, and occupy the chief seats in the 
synagogue; there assume a dignified position 
and a sanctified appearance, and with great 
reverence and delight listen to the exalted 
principles of justice and mercy, illustrated 
and enforced from the pulpit!! 

By our conduct and words we virtually 
charge a merciful and just God with placing 
among us two millions of his own children, 
to be held in degradation, ignorance, and per- 
petual bondage, and openly say, "we can do 
nothing — the subject is too great and fearful 
for us even to look upon;" — when three 
CENTS PER WEEK from cvcry member of the 
church, would pay their passage to Africa and 
in less than thirty -three years send them back 
to the land of their forefathers, to bless and 
comfort their heathen ancestors; yet, we will 



120 

expend ten or twenty, or even fifty times that 
amount in extravagance; we will contract 
debts which we are unable to pay, that we 
may gratify our. own passions and appetites, 
and indulge our children in vanity and dissipa- 
tion!! 

The contemplation of these scenes, of these 
inconsistencies and absurdities, which the prac- 
tice of slavery present to our view, should 
cause every honourable individual in our coun- 
try to blush and say, "slavery shall be banish- 
ed from our land, if that object can be accom- 
plished by human effort." 

Were we strictly and faithfully to follow 
our divine Master's command and example, 
this disordered world would soon be delivered 
from the tyrannical grasp of the prince of dark- 
ness; vice and ignorance; cruelty and oppres- 
sion — violence and slavery would soon be 
banished from the world. 

Let us, therefore, as Christians, "anse and be 
doing?'' Leave those who do not belong to 
the Redeemer's fold, to act for themselves; if 
they aid in this good cause, be it so — let them 
do all they can; we hope they will — but 
soldiers of the cross should march forward un- 
der the command of the Great Head of the 
church — the Captain of our salvation. They 
should proceed to this holy war in solid pha- 
lanx, clothed with light and love^ "looking 
forth as the morning, fair as the moon, clear as 
^he sun, and terrible as an army with banners." 



121 

Christians "are the salt of the earth: but if 
the salt have lost his savour, wherewith shall 
it be salted? it is thenceforth good for nothing, 
but to be cast out and to be trodden under 
foot of man." 

If we who profess to be Christ's followers, 
exert not a saving influence — if the cor- 
ruption OF SLAVERY is not lieaUcl — if the 
church and state is not cleansed from this moral 
pollution, we must be cast out of the Lord's 
sight, and not only be trodden under foot of 
man, but fall into eternal ruin. 

The Lord commanded the Israelites, saying, 
^Hhou shalt neither vex a stranger nor op- 
press HIM, for ye were strangers in the land 
of Egypt. Tliou shalt not oppress a hired ser- 
vant that is poor and ntedy^ whether he he of 
thy brethren^^or of thy stranger's that are in thy 
land within thy gates; at his day thou shalt give 
him his hire., oieither shall the sun go down upon 
it; for he is poor and setteth his heart upon it; 
lest he cry against thee unto the Lord, and it 
shall be sin unto thee. The Lord will also be a 
refuge for the oppressed, a refuge IN 
TIME OF trouble. lie shall judge the poor 
of the people; he shall save the children of the 
needy: and shall break in pieces the op- 
pressor. Rob not the poor because he is poor; 
neither oppress the afflicted in the gate; for the 
Lord will plead their cause, and spoil 
the soul of those that spoiled them. Is 



122 

not this the fast that I have chosen? to loose the 
bands of icickedness^ to undo the heavy burdens, 
to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break 
every yoke?^^ 

These solemn and impressive injunctions and 
declarations, should cause us who are slave- 
holders under the burning rajs of Gospel light, 
to fear and tremble and search our own hearts, 
and in the Gospel scales of justice and right- 
eousness, weigh well our conduct. 

The Gospel of Jesus Christ which pro- 
claims peace and mercy to all mankind; Jew 
and gentile; rich and poor; bond and free, 
speaks a language which should make every 
rich man pause and reflect seriously, and every 
slaveholder's ears tingle. 

"Go to now, ye rich men, weep and howl for 
your miseries that shall come upon you. Your 
riches are corrupted, and your geirments are moth 
eaten. ' Your gold and silver is cankered, and 
the rust of them shall be a witness against you, 
and shall eat your flesh as it were fire. Ye have 
heaped treasure together for the last days. Be- 
hold, the hire of the labourers which have reaped 
down your fields, which is of you kept back by 
fraud, crieth; and the cries of them that have 
reaped are entered into the ears of the Lord of 
Sabaoth. Yehave lived in pleasure on the earth 

*Exo. xxii. 21. Deut. xxiv. 14, 15. Ps. ix. 9, and Ixxii. 4. Prov. 
xiii. 22, 23. Isaiah Iviii. 6. 



123 

and been wanton; ye have nourished your 
hearts as in a day of slaugther?^*" 

It is unnecessary to make any comment on 
these impressive declarations from the mouth 
of the Lord. They will apply to us with pe- 
culiar force. We should, therefore, no long- 
er slumber on the verge of such an awful pre- 
cipice, when the next step may precipitate us 
into the gulph of ruin. If we are honest, and 
discharge our duty diligently and faithfully, 
the merciful aid and blessings of heaven will 
not be withheld. If we are careless or re- 
fractory, and refuse to act our part until all 
concerned will unite with us, we must in all 
probability be destroyed; reason's voice will at 
least justify such a conclusion; and the lower- 
ing signs now perceptible in our political hori- 
zon, strengthen this apprehension, and pro- 
claim the momentous period to be not far dis- 
tant. 

Ministers of the most high God, discharge 
your duty, and the ransomed of the Lord will 
soon return home, with songs of everlasting 
joy upon their heads. Joy and gladness will 
soon spring up in the heart of every poor 
African, and sorrow and sighing will flee 
away forever. 

The approach of those returning exiles to 
the gloomy shores of degraded Africa, with 

♦James v. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5. 



124 

the Gospel torch of redeeming love burning on 
the altar of their hearts, would cause those 
beasts of prey which have so long prowled in 
shades of night, revelling on blood and carnage, 
to fly from their favourite haunts, to be seen no 
more on earth. The voice of Israel's God 
would then be heard to sound from children's 
lips, long lost — long dead, returning home, 
alive, renovated, and restored to the image of 
their Maker. No stranger's voice would then 
be heard to speak the soft but cruel language 
of avarice' No longer then would Jacob's 
voice be heard, and Esau's hand be felt by the 
degraded sons of Ham. 

The sound of mercy v/ould then,like the an- 
gel's message to Judah's shepherds in days gone 
by, fall like Hermon's dew, on the ears of savage 
men, saying, hail long benighted land — world 
of darkness, tears, and blood. Awake! — 
awake! — Ethiopia stretch out thy sable arms 
— shake off the gloomy folds of night. "Arise 
and shine, for thy light is come, and the glory 
of the Lord is risen upon thee." 

Nor would the picture at home be less 
pleasing to contemplate than the changed 
scenery in Africa. We should then all be 
really free; all of one conplexion; all of one 
family: and thus be better prepared to glorify 
God on earth as angels do in heaven. 

THE END. 



C5 



HM^mm 



^1^^^^^''^^' 



>uWw^:*':wU-iJ 






lIJIbv 



yy^r 



*i~'. 



V^» 



ciWi; 



MUM^^ 



iiw^ 




